“Somos contra la ‘queer-ificacíon’”/“We reject the queer-ification of lesbianism”: lesbian political identity and anti-queer politics among Mexican lesbians and queer Chicanas-Latinas

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Stacy I. Macias
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Mariel Austin

According to Mattel, Monster High dolls topped $500 million in annual sales in 2014, quickly gaining on Barbie, whose $1.3 billion in annual revenue plummeted for the fourth quarter in a row. Monster High's recent ad campaign claims, "We are monsters. We are proud." Race, ethnicity, and disability are coded into the dolls as selling points. The allure of Monster High is, in part, that political identity and the celebration of difference become consumable. The female body, the racialized body, and the disabled body have long been coded as monstrous. Monster High reclaims this label, queering it. Using Jack Halberstam's work on children's culture and Richard Berger's and Rosalind Hanmer's work on fandom, this article explores the queer potential of Monster High. Fans rewrite the Mattel narrative through fan fiction, repainting the dolls, and embodying them through virtual avatars, makeup, and costume play. These fan practices both queer the dolls' identity politics and create communities of interest that act as safe spaces for expressing queer identity and generating fan activism. These fan practices have also influenced Mattel's branding of the dolls, specifically with the recent inclusion of activism campaigns such as WeStopHate and The Kind Campaign into the Monster High Webisodes and Web site. By exploring the queer politics of Monster High fandom, this paper explains how that queering generates social change.


2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael E. Vallerga ◽  
Melinda S. Jackson

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melinda S. Jackson ◽  
Michael Vallerga ◽  
Clifton M. Oyamot

ADALAH ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah

Abstract:The discussion of this simple article was inspired by a book entitled The Politics of Identity and the Future of Our Pluralism. The problem in this book is whether the identity politics in Indonesia will jeopardize the nationalist position and pluralism in Indonesia in the future? If dangerous in what form? How to handle it? The source of this book relies on the opinion of L. A Kauffman who first explained the nature of identity politics, and who first introduced the term political identity which is still unknown. However, in this book explained substantively, identity politics is associated with the interests of members of a social group who feel blackmailed and feel alienated by large currents in a nation or state.Keywords: Identity Politics, Nation, ReligionAbstrak:Pembahasan artikel sederhana ini terinspirasi dari buku berjudul Politik Identitas dan Masa Depan Pluralisme Kita. Permasalahan dalam buku ini adalah apakah poitik identitas di Indonesia ini akan membahayakan posisi nasionalis dan pluralisme di Indonesia di masa yang akan datang? Jika berbahaya dalam bentuk apa? Bagaimana cara mengatasinya? Sumber buku ini bersandarkan pada pendapat L. A Kauffman yang pertama kali menjelaskan tentang hakekat politik identitas, dan siapa yang pertama kali memperkenalkan istilah politik identitas yang masih belum diketahui sampai saat ini. Tetapi, didalam buku ini dijelaskan secara substansif, politik identitas dikaitkan dengan kepentingan anggota-anggota sebuah kelompok sosial yang merasa diperas dan merasa tersingkir oleh arus besar dalam sebuah bangsa atau negara. Kata Kunci: Politik Identitas, Bangsa, Agama   


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Saifudin Asrori ◽  
Ahmad Syauqi

Abstract. The Islamic education, Islamic boarding schools and madrasas, have made a very significant contribution to the implementation of education and social reform. Through the teaching process, in which the kyai as the main figure and the use of the ‘yellow book’, traditional Islamic ideas colored the early days of growing awareness as a nation and a State. When the New Order government carried out the development and modernization of society, there was a revival of a Muslim group called the “new middle class santri”, which took place in line with the modernization that occurred in the traditional Islamic educational institutions of the pesantren. Then in the era of democratization, the world of Islamic education experienced growth and development in various religious institutions and styles. Most of the pesantren are still committed to maintaining a moderate religious style, recognized as the foundation for the development of civil society and the formation of a ‘distinctive’, friendly, moderate, and tolerant social-political identity of Indonesian society. The Muslim character is different from other regions, especially the Middle East which is the axis of the Islamic world. However, a small proportion of pesantren are thought to promote the growth of religious chauvinism, teach a ‘narrow’ interpretation of Islam and provide a framework of thought and action in responding to socio-political change which often takes the form of a ‘jihad’. This article tries to explore the contribution of Islamic education to social change in the Indonesian Muslim community. Abstark. Dunia pendidikan Islam, pesantren dan madrasah, memberikan kontribusi sangat berarti dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan dan reformasi kemasyarakatan. Melalui proses pengajaran, di mana kyai sebagai figur utama dan penggunaan ‘kitab kuning’, gagasan Islam tradisional mewarnai masa-masa awal tumbuhnya kesadaran sebagai bangsa dan Negara. Ketika pemerintah Orde Baru melakukan pembangunan dan modernisasi masyarakat, terjadi kebangkitan kelompok Muslim yang di sebut “kelas menengah santri baru”, berlangsung sejalan dengan modernisasi yang terjadi dalam lembaga pendidikan Islam tradisional pesantren. Kemudian pada era demokratisasi, dunia pendidikan Islam mengalami pertumbuhan dan perkembangan dalam beragam kelembagaan dan corak keagamaan. Sebagian besar pesantren masih tetap istiqomah dalam mempertahankan corak keagamaan yang moderat, diakui sebagai pondasi berkembangnya masyarakat sipil dan pembentukan identitas sosial-politik masyarakat Indonesia yang ‘khas’, ramah, moderat, dan toleran. Karakter Muslim yang berbeda dengan kawasan lainnya, khususnya Timur-Tengah yang merupakan poros dunia Islam. Namun ada sebagian kecil pesantren dianggap mendorong tumbuhnya chauvinisme keagamaan, mengajarkan penafsiran Islam yang ‘sempit’ dan memberikan kerangka pemikiran dan aksi dalam merespons perubahan sosial-politik yang seringkali berbentuk panggilan ‘jihad’. Artikel ini mencoba mengeksplorasi kontribusi pendidikan Islam dalam perubahan sosial masyarakat Muslim Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett

How do American Jews envision their role in the world? Are they tribal—a people whose obligations extend solely to their own? Or are they prophetic—a light unto nations, working to repair the world? This book is an interpretation of the effects of these worldviews on the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews since the nineteenth century. The book argues that it all begins with the political identity of American Jews. As Jews, they are committed to their people's survival. As Americans, they identify with, and believe their survival depends on, the American principles of liberalism, religious freedom, and pluralism. This identity and search for inclusion form a political theology of prophetic Judaism that emphasizes the historic mission of Jews to help create a world of peace and justice. The political theology of prophetic Judaism accounts for two enduring features of the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews. They exhibit a cosmopolitan sensibility, advocating on behalf of human rights, humanitarianism, and international law and organizations. They also are suspicious of nationalism—including their own. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that American Jews are natural-born Jewish nationalists, the book charts a long history of ambivalence; this ambivalence connects their early rejection of Zionism with the current debate regarding their attachment to Israel. And, the book contends, this growing ambivalence also explains the rising popularity of humanitarian and social justice movements among American Jews.


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