By ground or by air? Voter mobilization during the United States’ 2008 presidential campaign

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Niebler ◽  
Jacob Neiheisel ◽  
Matthew Holleque
2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Phyllis Bennis

This essay examines the discourse on Palestine/Israel in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, charting the impact of the Palestine rights movement on the domestic U.S. policy debate. Policy analyst, author, and long-time activist Phyllis Bennis notes the sea change within the Democratic Party evident in the unprecedented debate on the issue outside traditionally liberal Zionist boundaries. The final Democratic platform was as pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian as any in history, but the process of getting there was revolutionary in no small part, Bennis argues, due to the grassroots campaign of veteran U.S. senator Bernie Sanders. Bennis also discusses the Republican platform on Israel/Palestine, outlining the positions of the final three Republican contenders. Although she is clear about the current weakness of the broad antiwar movement in the United States, Bennis celebrates its Palestinian rights component and its focus on education and BDS to challenge the general public's “ignorance” on Israel/Palestine.


Author(s):  
Rachel K. Gibson

This chapter examines developments in digital campaigning in comparative perspective. It does so using survey data from Wave 4 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) to measure the extent of digital voter contact occurring in eighteen countries (2011–2015). Based on the understanding that extensive voter mobilization is a key feature of a country’s entry into phase IV digital campaigning, the authors infer which nations have progressed more rapidly through the four phases, and are thus most advanced in their use of digital campaign tools. Using this measure, they find that the United States is the most advanced nation and Thailand the least. They investigate the rankings more systematically using multilevel modeling techniques, and find that presidential elections and higher internet penetration rates are most predictive of higher rates of digital campaign contact. The results are helpful in building expectations about the digital campaign performance of the four national case studies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
Laurel Sanders ◽  
Elizabeth Heineman

From statehood until the 1970 census, Germans constituted Iowa’s largest immigrant group, and the same was true throughout much of the Midwest. “German Iowa and the Global Midwest” explored the story of German immigration, German American communities, and anti-German xenophobia in Iowa and the Midwest. Originally conceived to coincide with the hundredth anniversary of the United States’ entry to World War I and attendant actions against German Americans, the project was intended to spark discussion about immigration and anti-immigrant sentiment today. The xenophobia of the 2016 presidential campaign and the early stages of the Trump presidency made these discussions yet timelier—while also deepening the risks of a counter-narrative heroizing earlier generations of European immigrants as a foil to negative portrayals of more recent immigrants from other locations.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Iuliia Alieva

The purpose of this study is to explore the role of data visualization in the media coverage of the 2016 presidential campaign in the United States by focusing on datavisualization projects from The New York Times and The Washington Post. The research is focused on how journalists implemented data-visualization techniques and how the theory of framing is connected with that process. A secondary purpose of the research is to collect opinions from journalists working in the field about how data visualization influenced coverage of the campaign and how future reporting can be improved. This study consists of two parts: textual/visual analysis of data visualization examples from coverage of 2016 U.S. presidential campaign and interviews with the journalists involved in infographics production. Visual analysis was used for analyzing various design elements such as type of graphics, colors, fonts and how they helped to frame issues during the campaign. Textual analysis was used to identify the main issues and frames that were covered and considered important for the audience. The interviews provided information about the professional experience of data journalists and editors and their opinions about the role of data visualization and the problems and limitations that they experienced while working with it.


Author(s):  
Kate Manne

What is misogyny? And (why) is it still occurring? This book explores the logic of misogyny, conceived in terms of the hostilities women face because they are living in a man’s world, or one that has been until recently. It shows how misogyny may persist in cultures in which its existence is routinely denied—including the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom, which are often alleged to be post-patriarchal. Not so, Down Girl argues. Misogyny has rather taken particular forms following the advent of legal equality, obligating women to be moral “givers,” and validating a sense of entitlement among her privileged male counterparts. Many of rape culture’s manifestations are canvassed—from the ubiquitous entreaty “Smile, sweetheart!” to Donald Trump’s boasts of grabbing women by the “pussy,” which came to light during his successful 2016 presidential campaign; from the Isla Vista killings in California to the police officer in Oklahoma who preyed on African American women with criminal records, sexually assaulting them in the knowledge they would have little legal recourse; from the conservative anti-abortion movement to online mobbings of women in public life, deterring the participation therein of all but the most privileged and well-protected. It is argued on this basis that misogyny often takes the form of taking from her what she is (falsely) held to owe him, and preventing her from competing for positions of masculine-coded power and authority. And he, in turn, may be held to owe her little.


Author(s):  
Danielle Pilar Clealand

During the 2008 US presidential campaign, I was in La Habana listening to Cubans of all races tell me a black man could never be elected president of the United States of America. The prediction was no doubt couched in decades of government rhetoric that proclaims the United States to be the prime example of racism and marginalization of blacks. Racism is designated as a problem that resides outside of the island’s borders, thus negating the significance of race in Cuba. Despite the skepticism concerning the United States electing a black president and the dominant discourse that denies the implications of racial identity in Cuba, many ...


2021 ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Spencer W. McBride

This chapter describes the formation of the Council of Fifty, a secretive organization in Nauvoo created by Smith. Smith and the Council of Fifty consider solutions to the problems facing the Latter-day Saints. The council manages Smith’s presidential campaign and helps formulate plans to petition the federal government for redress or for a liberal tract of land in the west where the Mormons could resettle. The council also directs negotiations with the Republic of Texas for the Mormons to move there and occupy the contested Nueces Strip. It is also in the Council of Fifty that Smith and others discuss the eventual replacement of the United States government with a theodemocracy ahead of the Second Coming of Jesus Christ.


Author(s):  
Krisztina Németh

The article deals with the election of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States and aims to point out the linguistic and non-linguistic factors that led to the victory. The election results came as a surprise to a large proportion of the world, but looking back, it was intriguing to analyse whether the reasons for his victory had been present in his speeches, and whether his triumph could have been predicted using discourse analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (3) ◽  
pp. 756-764

Throughout Donald Trump's presidential campaign and into the first months of his presidency, he has warned that the United States' commitment to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) may depend on whether its partner states increase their defense spending in line with previously adopted guidelines. While senior administration officials have reaffirmed U.S. commitments to the NATO alliance, including the North Atlantic Treaty's mutual defense obligation on several occasions, President Trump himself did not so until mid-June. Separately, the Trump administration signaled its support for NATO by supporting the admission of Montenegro as a new member state.


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