Riding on the power of the masses? How different modes of mass mobilization shape local elite bargaining in China

Author(s):  
Yanhua Deng ◽  
Zhenjie Yang ◽  
Xiao Ma
2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-744 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Delfs Erbo Andersen ◽  
Suthan Krishnarajan

Why do economic crises sometimes lead to democratic breakdown and sometimes not? To answer this question, we bring in a new conditioning factor. We propose that bureaucracies of higher quality – implying more competent, efficient and autonomous employees – to a greater extent shield the masses from impoverishment and unjust distribution of resources. This dampens anti-regime mass mobilization, which decreases elite incentives and opportunities for toppling the democratic regime. Statistical analyses of democracies globally from 1903 to 2010 corroborate that the impact of economic crises on the risk of democratic breakdown is suppressed when democracies have a bureaucracy of higher quality. The results are robust to alternative model specifications, including a battery of ‘good governance’ indicators. The effect of bureaucratic quality is not driven by bureaucracies’ ability to hinder crisis onset or shorten crisis duration but rather their ability to decrease domestic upheavals during crises.


2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Perry

Previous explanations of the Chinese Communist revolution have highlighted (variously) the role of ideology, organization, and/or social structure. While acknowledging the importance of all these factors, this article draws attention to a largely neglected feature of the revolutionary process: the mass mobilization of emotions. Building upon pre-existing traditions of popular protest and political culture, the Communists systematized "emotion work" as part of a conscious strategy of psychological engineering. Attention to the emotional dimensions of mass mobilization was a key ingredient in the Communists' revolutionary victory, distinguishing their approach from that of their Guomindang rivals. Moreover, patterns of emotion work developed during the wartime years lived on in the People's Republic of China, shaping a succession of state-sponsored mass campaigns under Mao. Even in post-Mao China, this legacy continues to exert a powerful influence over the attitudes and actions of state authorities and ordinary citizens alike.


Author(s):  
Syairal Fahmy Dalimunthe ◽  
I Wayan Ardika ◽  
I Nyoman Darma Putra ◽  
I Gst. Bagus Suka Arjawa

Identity politics are often used in political contestation. Primordialism in similar religious and ethnic contexts creates the division and color of whose groups and supports whom. The purpose of this study is to understand and explain the politicization of religion and ethnicity in the DKI Jakarta 2017 elections. This study uses a cultural study approach with interpretive analysis techniques. The case of blasphemy by Ahok triggered the politicization of religion and ethnicity in the 2017 DKI Jakarta elections. Mass mobilization in the form of boycotts and the use of holy verses in choosing leaders was very massive carried out during the campaign period to increase the electoral effect. Identity is no longer purely a social movement to fight for a positive change, but rather a tool for the political elite to compartmentalize the masses in an effort to achieve their group goals. The identity politics that was triggered by the case of blasphemy by Ahok created a process of group exclusivity towards other groups on the basis of religion and ethnicity in winning a political battle.  Keywords: Identity politics, blasphemy of religion, Ahok, primordialism


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Sulasman Sulasman

AbstrakTulisan ini menggambarkan perjuangan rakyat Sukabumi dalam melawan Sekutu pada masa revolusi. Untuk merekontruksi itu digunakan Metode Sejarah  yang terdiri dari empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian menunjukan  bahwa Revolusi Sukabumi sangat erat kaitannya dengan peran para kiai, ulama, dan pemimpin pesantren. Mereka mempunyai pengaruh yang sangat besar dalam membangkitkan  semangat dan emosimassa. Keberhasilan tersebut didapatkan melalui komunikasi  keagamaan. Mereka menggunakan konsep jihad fisabilillah. Mobilisasimassayang dilakukan oleh para pemimpin pesantren dipadukan dengan taktik dan strategi militer dari tentara Resimen TKR Sukabumi  melahirkan  kekuatan revolusi yang luar biasa sehingga dapat memporakporandakan kekuatan Sekutu.  Puncak dari revolusi di Sukabumi adalah perang melawan Sekutu sepanjang jalan Cigombong-Ciranjang yang kemudian diikuti oleh peristiwa pertempuran Bojongkokosan yang menyebabkan dibombardirnya Cibadak oleh Angkatan Udara Sekutu, Perang Gekbrong dan Serangan Umum  yang melibatkan tentara, ulama, organisasi massa dan santri. Peristiwa  Pertempuran di Sukabumi memberikan gambaran mengenai   strategi perjuangan kaum republik dalam menghadapi Sekutu  yaitu diplomasi dan bertempur dalam revolusi diIndonesia. AbstractSukabumi Revolution was closely associated with the role of the kyai (Islamic scholars), ulama (Islamic clerics), and leaders of pesantren (Islamic boarding schools). They had a great influence in awakening the spirit and emotions of the masses. Success was obtained through religious communications. They practised the concept of jihad fisabilillah (being at war, in a very broad sense, in the name of Allah). Mass mobilization by pesantren leaders combined with tactics and military strategy of the army regiment of TKR Sukabumi spawned tremendous revolutionary power that has devastated Allied forces. The highlight of the revolution in Sukabumi was the battle  against the Allies all the way Cigombong-Ciranjang followed by the battle of Bojongkokosan which led to bombardment of Cibadak by Allied Air Forces, the battle of Gekbrong and Serangan Umum (massive attack) involving soldiers, scholars, organizations and santri (Islamic school students). The battle in Sukabumi described an overview of the republican’s strategy in facing the Allied forces: diplomacy and fought in the revolution.


Author(s):  
Topan Bilardo ◽  
Suwardi Lubis ◽  
Syukur Kholil

The development of photography both directly and indirectly is in line with the development of the journalistic field. Digital technology that is growing rapidly at this time also provides a significant contribution. Photos that record an event can be immediately disseminated in seconds using digital cameras and computer devices that have internet facilities. the photos that analyzed the meaning of photo denotations that appear such as mass mobilization, burning actions due to clashes between the masses and the police as well as photos of the Jakarta Governor's trial non-active Basuki Tjahja Purnama or Ahok reinforces the narrative that delivers news showing the two daily newspaper media giving support or partisanship to the actions of defending Islam 411 and 212. The meaning of connotations that appear in photographs can be seen from the photo taking process which generally from the upper and front sides of the object gives an impression of object density in the resulting image, further reinforcing the assumption of daily media alignment who only saw the Defensive Action of Islam 411 and 212 as a news commodity not a movement that defended the banners of Islam or defended a suspect in the religion, namely Basuki Tjahja Purnama or Ahok.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Farooq Ahmad Dar ◽  
Muhammad Sajid Khan ◽  
Muhammad Abrar Zahoor

Mass-Mobilization is one of the key ingredients for not only launching a movement but also for spreading any political agenda. The involvement of the masses always plays an important role in a process of bringing change anywhere and at any time. The history of South Asia, however, witnessed that in the struggle against the colonial rulers, to begin with, started by the elite alone. Politics was considered as the domain of a selected few and the common men were considered as ignorant and perhaps irrelevant and thus were kept at a distance. It was only after the beginning of the twentieth century and especially after the entrance of Gandhi on the political screen that the masses gained importance and were directly involved in political affairs. They not only became part of the Non-Cooperation Movement but also played an important role in spreading the movement all across India. In this paper, an attempt has been made to highlight Gandhi’s efforts to mobilize Indian masses during the Non-Cooperation Movement and its impact on the future politics of the region. The paper also discusses in detail different groups of society that actively participated in the process of mass-mobilization.


1987 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen C. Averill

AbstractIn August 1927 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Jiangxi seemed moribund, yet by the end of 1930 the movement was larger and more active than ever before. How did this occur? Past studies have especially emphasized Mao Zedong's famous rural guerrilla strategy, but this was only part of the story. Equally significant was the little-studied success of members of the Jiangxi hill-country elite who were also in the CCP in using established schools and educational societies, time-honored traditions of local strongman behavior, and existing bandit–secret society gangs to build many localized base areas. Such techniques were congenial to CCP leaders and essential to the movement's survival in the early days when its prestige and material resources were at a very low ebb, and when radical reforms would almost certainly have failed. Nevertheless, this strategy also fostered parochial attitudes and organizational weaknesses that clashed with the later efforts of Mao and his allies to carry out mass mobilization and fundamental land reform. Only after a prolonged and violent crisis within the base areas did the “Maoist” policies vital for the revolution's long-term growth begin to overcome the policies of elite coalition building that had been necessary for the movement to obtain its initial foothold in the Jiangxi hill country.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam van Noort

I provide a new theory of the relationship between economic development and democracy. I argue that a large share of employment in manufacturing (i.e., industrialization) makes mass mobilization both more likely to occur and more costly to suppress. This increases the power of the masses relative to autocratic elites, making democracy more likely. Novel manufacturing employment data for 145 countries over 170 years (1845--2015) supports this hypothesis. First, all highly developed countries in the West and East Asia democratized when approximately 25% of their workforce was employed in manufacturing, and virtually no other country has ever reached this level without eventually becoming a well-functioning democracy. Second, industrialization is strongly correlated with democracy, even after accounting for two-way fixed effects and other economic determinants of democracy (e.g., income and inequality). Last, unlike with other economic determinants the effect occurs on both transitions and consolidations, and is equally large after WWII.


Author(s):  
Charles W. Allen

With respect to structural consequences within a material, energetic electrons, above a threshold value of energy characteristic of a particular material, produce vacancy-interstial pairs (Frenkel pairs) by displacement of individual atoms, as illustrated for several materials in Table 1. Ion projectiles produce cascades of Frenkel pairs. Such displacement cascades result from high energy primary knock-on atoms which produce many secondary defects. These defects rearrange to form a variety of defect complexes on the time scale of tens of picoseconds following the primary displacement. A convenient measure of the extent of irradiation damage, both for electrons and ions, is the number of displacements per atom (dpa). 1 dpa means, on average, each atom in the irradiated region of material has been displaced once from its original lattice position. Displacement rate (dpa/s) is proportional to particle flux (cm-2s-1), the proportionality factor being the “displacement cross-section” σD (cm2). The cross-section σD depends mainly on the masses of target and projectile and on the kinetic energy of the projectile particle.


2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Kath ◽  
Christopher J. L. Cunningham ◽  
Alan D. Mead

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