Matthew Warshauer.Andrew Jackson and the Politics of Martial Law: Nationalism, Civil Liberties, and Partisanship.:Andrew Jackson and the Politics of Martial Law: Nationalism, Civil Liberties, and Partisanship

2007 ◽  
Vol 112 (5) ◽  
pp. 1530-1531
Author(s):  
Gerald Leonard
2003 ◽  
Vol 31 (S4) ◽  
pp. 43-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Heaton ◽  
Anne M. Murphy ◽  
Susan Allan ◽  
Harald Pietz

There is a fine balance between civil liberties and protection of the public’s health.Legislators, especially those in the western United States, are concerned about selling the Model State Act (“Act”) because of the loss of civil liberties. State constitutions give governors broad powers, such as declaring martial law and giving public health leaders the authority to act. State laws should consider issues such as property rights; taking of businesses and supplies; quarantine and isolation; due process; coordination among states, counties and cities; communication systems; conscription of doctors and nurses; and compensation. When two mock emergency response drills were held in New Mexico, concerns arose regarding opening records associated with dams, national laboratories, waste repositories, and three air force bases.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy E Williams

The ongoing COVID-19 outbreak that emerged from Wuhan, China in 2020 has seen unprecedented restrictions on civilian populations in many countries in the attempt to curtail the spread of the pandemic. A recently developed model of general collective intelligence predicts the properties of group decision-making systems that are required to optimize collective outcomes, along with predicting that authoritarian systems of decision-making might tend to be restricted to non-optimal group outcomes in ways that are somewhat hidden in that they require an understanding of this new and relatively unknown model of general collective intelligence. In light of this model of general collective intelligence, the economic restrictions imposed to combat the pandemic take on a new light, since these restrictions have not only resulted in economic lockdowns for some countries, but in some cases have also effectively imposed martial law. The hidden cost of this reduction in civil liberties is explored from the perspective of the cost of an authoritarian decision-making system resulting in non-optimal group outcomes as theorized by this model of general collective intelligence, using models of government inefficiency to assess the cost of those non-optimal group outcomes, and therefore the hidden cost of reduced civil liberties.


2020 ◽  
pp. 67-106
Author(s):  
Andrea F. Bohlman

This chapter offers a history of martial law (1981–84) in Poland to argue that music was a mode of civil resilience as well as a crucial means of conveying information and writing histories from below. The declaration of martial law brought about economic hardship and the curtailment of civil liberties, but also stimulated music making in three zones: public streets, church sanctuaries and private homes, and internment camps/prisons. This chapter revisits oral histories and diaries from the time to rehear the interplay between singing and military sounds during protests against the declaration. Experimental scores, concert programs, and observational songs played in domestic salons complicate the assumption that martial law effected a cultural hold—a metaphorical silence. The material culture of music in detention reveals that song—religious hymns, ballads, and legion songs—provided internees and prisoners the opportunity to reclaim authorship over their own histories.


Author(s):  
Lou Martin

In the early 20th century, West Virginia coal miners and mine operators fought a series of bloody battles that raged for two decades and prompted national debates over workers’ rights. Miners in the southern part of the state lived in towns wholly owned by coal companies and attempted to join the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) to negotiate better working conditions but most importantly to restore their civil liberties. Mine operators saw unionization as a threat to their businesses and rights and hired armed guards to patrol towns and prevent workers from organizing. The operators’ allies in local and state government used their authority to help break strikes by sending troops to strike districts, declaring martial law, and jailing union organizers in the name of law and order. Observers around the country were shocked at the levels of violence as well as the conditions that fueled the battles. The Mine Wars include the Paint Creek–Cabin Creek Strike of 1912–1913, the so-called 1920 Matewan Massacre, the 1920 Three Days Battle, and the 1921 Battle of Blair Mountain. In this struggle over unionism, the coal operators prevailed, and West Virginia miners continued to work in nonunion mines and live in company towns through the 1920s.


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