North Korea: The Korean People’s Army in the Shadow of Its Supreme Leader

Author(s):  
Seongji Woo

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has long remained a hermit socialist nation. The North Korean leaders have endeavored to build a strong military with a large manpower and nuclear weapons capabilities even though some of its military gear is outmoded. The dictatorship in Pyongyang has used the ever-present threats from external hostile forces as well as potential domestic enemies as a rationale for beefing up its armed forces. The origin of the North Korean military dates back to Kim Il-sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle in the 1930s. Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un, his successors, have continued to improve the country’s nuclear and missile programs with vigor, even at the expense of a failing economy. Kim Jong-un has been bargaining with the United States over the scaling down of his nuclear and missile programs while hinting at major economic reform and opening up projects to revive the economy. Whether Pyongyang is genuine about denuclearization in exchange for international economic support and security guarantees remains unclear. North Korea has a highly militarized regime and, thus, some have referred to it as a garrison state or a fortress state. Its posture to the outside world is oftentimes militant and abrasive. The regime in Pyongyang invaded its southern neighbor in a fratricidal war in the early 1950s. The history of inter-Korean relations since then has been marred by repetitive currents of feuds and crises, many of which have been inflamed by the North. The North Korean military holds a firm place in society. Over its history, North Korea’s Supreme Leader, along with the Korean Workers’ Party, has maintained tight control over the military. The leader’s firm control of the armed forces is likely to persist for the time being.

Asian Survey ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 722-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Clay Moltz

Because of its energy reserves and long history of economic links with North Korea, the Russian Far East could provide useful incentives needed to help convince Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear program. For this reason, the United States should begin crafting a regionally based strategy that includes Russia.


Author(s):  
Pavlo Prokhovnyk

The article analyzes the history of the development of military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and NATO as one of the defining areas of international military partnership. Taking into account specific historical circumstances and external aggression by the Russian Federation, the importance of Ukraine’s military-technical cooperation with partner countries for the implementation of political goals and objectives of the state for the development of defense industry and national security is emphasized. Ukraine faced new types of threats in all spheres of the state’s life, in the military in particular, which required active assistance from partner countries. The realities of the hybrid war, which has targeted our country, require new approaches to ensuring the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, including by strengthening military partnerships with the European Union and the United States. In modern geopolitical, socio-economic, international legal, military-political conditions, the nature, forms and directions of Ukraine’s military partnership need to be rethought and clarified. Today, Ukraine’s military cooperation with NATO is of a strategic nature, the tasks of which can be grouped into four key areas: maintaining military-political dialogue; assistance in reforming and developing the Armed Forces of Ukraine; ensuring contribution to international security and peacekeeping; defense and technical cooperation. As a result of this study, NATO membership will open new opportunities for Ukraine’s competitive defense industries and lay the foundation for military-technical cooperation at the international level. In this context, the myth that Ukraine’s accession to NATO will involve the collapse of Ukraine’s defense industry through the introduction of new NATO military standards, requirements for rearmament for our army is completely eliminated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hahnkyu PARK

The Trump–Kim Summit in Singapore can be regarded as a meaningful first step in a long journey towards complete denuclearisation of North Korea. At the Singapore summit, President Donald Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un agreed that North Korea would denuclearise completely and that the United States would in return provide North Korea with security guarantees. However, due to political complexity of the North Korean nuclear issue and technical difficulties of nuclear dismantlement, the process towards complete denuclearisation of North Korea is expected to be protracted and difficult. The prospects for future US–North Korea nuclear negotiations will largely depend on how both countries can work out together the concrete steps, phases and timelines for the implementation of denuclearisation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 74-103
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

After Hosni Mubarak stepped down, Egypt was ruled by the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). During this time, a new form of antimilitarist activism emerged for the first time in Egyptian history. Of the three waves of antigovernment uprisings, this one was perhaps the most revolutionary: the goal was not to topple a single person or to hold elections but rather to dismantle the entrenched power of the armed forces. This chapter offers insights into these groups that fall in between the Muslim Brotherhood/military dichotomy. Many of these groups were led by women. After Mubarak was ousted, certain private companies celebrated the revolution in their advertising, but opposition to the SCAF was never commercialized. Despite egregious human rights abuses committed under the SCAF, neither the business elite nor the United States ever withdrew support from the military junta. However, the SCAF did lose popular support, evidenced when mass protests emerged in July during the Tahrir sit-in, and then again during the Battle of Mohamed Mahmoud in November–December 2011.


1941 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
David D. March

"Summary: The relationship between the Sioux and Cheyenne Indians and the emigrants before the Treaty of Laramie in 1851 may be characterized as fairly amicable in spite of mutual irritations. The Indians were at first surprised and then alarmed at the volume of migration through their territory. This alarm was due to the continual destruction of the game, grass and timber; and the widespread epidemics of measles, smallpox and cholera. Many small fights occurred; yet there was no general movement against the whites, and most of the hostile acts that did occur resulted from the desire of the young men to "score a coup." On the other hand, few emigrant trains escaped the nuisance of Indian visits with their consequent begging and stealing, and there was usually danger for any small party which wandered too far from the trail. These incidental hostilities resulted in the demand that the Government afford protection for the emigrant. The efforts of the Government in this direction, however, were almost ludicrous. By 1850 only three military posts had been established by the Government along the trail that was almost two thousand miles long and these posts were never adequately garrisoned. Dragoons sent out to scour the plains may have impressed the savages at times with the power of the United States, but such lessons were soon forgotten and, therefore, had to be frequently repeated. More protection was supplied by the emigrants themselves and by the very size of the migration. The good will of the Indians was partially secured by promises of subsequent material rewards, which the Government saw t1t to fulfill 1n the Treaty or Laramie. After the Treaty of Laramie the Indians remained true to their obligations to remain at peace and not molest the "llh1tes. This state of things continued until the month of August, 1854, when it was interrupted by the Grattan massacre, an event which was at least partly due to the folly of the military author1t1es. The series of Sioux depredations that followed were brought to a close by another massacre, that of Little Thunder's band by the expedition of General Harney. No sooner had peace been established with the Sioux than serious trouble w1th the Cheyenne began. The series of depredations by them 1n the neighborhood of Fort Kearney can be traced back to the episode of the Pour Horses near the crossing of the North Platte. In order to protect small part.1es on the plains from being attacked by the angry Cheyennes, Agent Twiss arranged for a council with the Cheyenne at which time peace was agreed upon. In spite of this Colonel Sumner was ordered to lead an expedition against the India.11s, which was, on the whole, not very successful, but did possibly have a quieting effect upon them as both the Sioux and Cheyenne remained peaceful during the remainder of the period under consideration. In the last analysis, the history of the Indian relations with the whites during this period is the old story found wherever the white man went. Whether the Indians fought or- whether they made a treaty, they eventually forfeited their rights and lost their territory."--Pages 82-84.


2020 ◽  
pp. 180-193
Author(s):  
Rupal N. Mehta

In the last of the three comparative case study analyses, this chapter explores the greatest remaining challenge to the non-proliferation regime: North Korea. Its recent rise in belligerence toward its neighbors in the region and the United States presents a troubling prospect about peace and security in the region, especially in light of its continued nuclear and missile tests. Despite continued efforts by the U.S. and other key members of the international community to negotiate with Pyongyang, North Korea remains committed to its nuclear program. This chapter examines the history of the North Korean program and the myriad attempts by American leaders (beginning primarily with the Clinton Administration) to persuade the North Korean leadership to abandon its nuclear pursuit. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the current efforts to engage the North Koreans, the implications of this policy, and potential policy recommendations to help mitigate the challenges posed by the DPRK.


2019 ◽  
pp. 107-115
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shubin

The article is based on the information of the author, who as officer of the 10th Main Directorate of the Soviet General Staff spent two days in Egypt during the Six Day War between Israel and the Arab states. It briefly analyzes the history of Moscow’s relations with Cairo after the 1952 revolution, particularly in the military field, and notes that the Soviet military leadership overestimated the combat capability of the Armed Forces of the United Arab Republic, as the Arab Republic of Egypt was then called. Although by June 1967 the situation in the Middle East was rather tense, the war was not expected by Moscow on the day Israel attacked Egypt, and its quick success, especially the defeat of the Egyptian Air Force, was a shock to Cairo and Moscow. The article describes the situation in Cairo on June 9 and 10, the Egyptians’ reaction to the resignation of President Gamal Abdel Nasser; speaks of the negative attitude of the “Arab street” to the Russians, which arose in those days, primarily because of the false information of the Egyptian authorities, who argued that unlike the USSR, the United States and Great Britain took part in the war by bombing objects in Egypt.


Author(s):  
Danylo Kravets

The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.


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