Germany’s Christian Democrats

Author(s):  
Emma Rosenberg

The German Christian Democratic Party (CDU) and its sister party, the Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU), known collectively as the Union, were founded in the immediate aftermath of World War II as anti-materialist Christian responses to the atrocities of the war and as buffers to encroaching Communism and Fascism. The first Volkspartei, the CDU has served as a “catch-all” party since its inception, prioritizing its inter-confessional appeal to a diverse group of both Protestant and Catholic voters throughout Germany over ideology. Over seven decades, the CDU/CSU has enjoyed enormous success, by broadly adhering to core elements of a Christian understanding of self, promotion of a social market economy, focus on family, and a Western-focused European community. The CDU presided over the first post-war German government under long-serving Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, German reunification in 1990 under Chancellor Helmut Kohl, and European stability in the face of a refugee crisis under Chancellor Angela Merkel. The CDU has evolved from a chancellor’s party centered around charismatic leadership and antipathy to Ostpolitik, to the most successful German Volkspartei and a staunch bulwark of the European community.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
David Ramiro Troitino ◽  
Tanel Kerikmae ◽  
Olga Shumilo

This article highlights the role of Charles de Gaulle in the history of united post-war Europe, his approaches to the internal and foreign French policies, also vetoing the membership of the United Kingdom in the European Community. The authors describe the emergence of De Gaulle as a politician, his uneasy relationship with Roosevelt and Churchill during World War II, also the roots of developing a “nationalistic” approach to regional policy after the end of the war. The article also considers the emergence of the Common Agricultural Policy (hereinafter - CAP), one of Charles de Gaulle’s biggest achievements in foreign policy, and the reasons for the Fouchet Plan defeat.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
Кудайберген ◽  
Pirimkul Kudaybergen

The article highlights the social priorities, personnel management principles in Germany, which are based on the famous German «Ordnung» (step by step), the postulate of individualism. It is noted that the «Iron Chancellor» Bismarck developed the principles of social protection of the German personnel. These principles formed the basis of the German social market economy: providing working conditions, promotion of awareness and independence, encouraging responsibility. The article presents basic palette of social and fi nancial assistance to needy staff , which are provided through centers of employment and work of the Agency. The peculiarities of personnel management are indicating in the conditions of uncontrolled aggressive invasion of refugees in Germany. Gateways are opened for them «without limit» Chancellor Angela Merkel, acting only in the interests of the USA. This led to mass protests, similar to a civil war throughout the country. This article argues that in these circumstances, Germany needs a new Bismarck, who would once again strengthened Germany, with the support of Russia, as it was in the past. Russia could again become a partner of Germany, especially in the process of human resource management in the prevailing critical conditions, based on its invaluable experience in multinational and multi-confessional Russia.


Author(s):  
Marcin Łuszczyk

The purpose of the article is to present the achievements of Ludwig Erhard in the field of economic policy and his vision of social well-being. Immediately after World War II, Erhard was the main author of Germany’s economic policy. Based on the principles of ordoliberalism, the social market economy became the source of economic success. Under the Constitution, also in Poland the social market economy forms the basis of the economic system. However, it turns out that the actions taken differ significantly from Erhard’s original concept, and sometimes even close to the model of the socialist economic order. The state’s interference in market processes is growing, ad hoc decisions are more and more often made, calculated more to improve the current situation than to ensure lasting prosperity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Martin Dahl

AbstractWestern Germany introduced the model of a Social Market Economy after World War II. This model has become an example of socio-economic reforms for many European countries. In the initial phase of the development of the new socio-economic policy concept, the postulate of "prosperity for all" was especially appealing as it considers economic policy and social policy as a whole. In subsequent years of development, particularly at the end of the twentieth century, the model of a Social Market Economy has become a source of foundation for creating new concepts and ideas that would include more aspects of responsible and sustainable development combined with proper care for resources and the natural environment. In the view of this, the aim of this paper is to attempt to answer the question of to what extent the Social Market Economy model can lay the foundation for sustainable, responsible and ecological development. In order to be able to answer such a research question, the author based his reasoning and analyses on the theory of ordoliberalism and the following research methods: factual analysis, comparative analysis and analysis of selected publications. The main findings of the research are that the concept of Social Market Economy contains numerous elements that can foster the implementation of the sustainable, responsible and ecological development of countries and societies.


Author(s):  
Harald Hagemann

The chapter deals with the development of the welfare state in the first three decades after World War II, in which the West German economy ran through a remarkable catching-up process. Economic policy in the new Federal Republic of Germany in that period was decisively shaped and influenced by the ordoliberal ideas of Walter Eucken and the Freiburg school and the principles of the social-market economy. Whereas Keynesianism of the Hicks-Samuelson neoclassical synthesis had already evolved into the dominant view in the academic sphere during the 1950s, it took until the 1966–67 recession for Keynesianism to find a late (and short) entry into German economic policy with the entry of the Social Democrats into government and their charismatic minister of economics, Karl Schiller.


2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Gunther Schnabl

AbstractThe German currency reform on 20 June 1948, together with a comprehensive liberalization of prices as well as monopoly control formed the basis for the post-war West German economic miracle, which became the economic backbone of the European integration process. 70 years later, little remains of the basic principles of the social market economy. An increasingly expansive monetary policy of the European Central Bank undermines competition, growth and social cohesion in Europe, which puts political stability at risk. To ensure economic, political and social stability in Europe, a return to the principles of Walter Eucken und Ludwig Erhard is necessary.


2014 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-58
Author(s):  
Jonathan Olsen

In the 2009 federal election, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) achieved the worst electoral result in its history. Immediately afterwards, the party worked to improve its public image and fine-tune its policies and electoral message, hoping that state elections in the ensuring period might provide some momentum going into the next national election. Yet, in 2013, the Social Democrats improved their result only modestly, with Angela Merkel and the Christian Democratic/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU) again gaining a decisive victory. This article explores the reasons behind the SPD's failure to radically improve its electoral showing, arguing that this can best be explained by a combination of the impact of the past—namely, the legacy of its economic reforms during the Schröder era and the SPD's disadvantages coming out of the previous Grand Coalition—as well as the weakness of its 2013 chancellor candidate, Peer Steinbrück, and the popularity of Angela Merkel. The article therefore suggests that the immediate future does not look particularly bright for the SPD: any chances of gaining the chancellorship are largely out of its hand, dependent on both stumbles by its rival, the CDU/CSU, as well as the taming of a possible coalition partner, the Left Party.


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