scholarly journals Modern Hong Kong

Author(s):  
Steve Tsang

Hong Kong entered its modern era when it became a British overseas territory in 1841. In its early years as a Crown Colony, it suffered from corruption and racial segregation but grew rapidly as a free port that supported trade with China. It took about two decades before Hong Kong established a genuinely independent judiciary and introduced the Cadet Scheme to select and train senior officials, which dramatically improved the quality of governance. Until the Pacific War (1941–1945), the colonial government focused its attention and resources on the small expatriate community and largely left the overwhelming majority of the population, the Chinese community, to manage themselves, through voluntary organizations such as the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals. The 1940s was a watershed decade in Hong Kong’s history. The fall of Hong Kong and other European colonies to the Japanese at the start of the Pacific War shattered the myth of the superiority of white men and the invincibility of the British Empire. When the war ended the British realized that they could not restore the status quo ante. They thus put an end to racial segregation, removed the glass ceiling that prevented a Chinese person from becoming a Cadet or Administrative Officer or rising to become the Senior Member of the Legislative or the Executive Council, and looked into the possibility of introducing municipal self-government. The exploration into limited democratization ended as the second landmark event unfolded—the success of the Chinese Communist Party in taking control of China. This resulted in Hong Kong closing its borders with China on a long-term basis and the local Chinese population settling down in the colony, where it took on a direction of development distinctly different from that of mainland China. The large influx of refugees to Hong Kong in the late 1940s was transformed by a pragmatic colonial administration into a demographic bonus, as all were allowed to work freely and become part of the community. Those refugees, particularly from Shanghai, who arrived with capital, management knowhow and skills gave some industries, such as textile and shipping, a big boost. With the entrepreneurial spirit of the Chinese community unleashed and the colonial administration now devoting most of its resources to support them, Hong Kong became an industrial colony and developed increasingly strong servicing sectors. By the 1980s, local entrepreneurs had become so successful that they took over some of the well-established major British companies that had been pillars of the local economy for a century. As Hong Kong developed, it looked to the wider world—something originally necessitated by the imposition of trade embargos on China by the United States and the United Nations after the start of the Korean War in 1950—and eventually transformed itself into a global metropolis. In this process, the younger generations who grew up after the Sino-British border was closed developed a common identity that made them proud citizens of Hong Kong, and they became agents of change in reshaping how their parents’ generation felt about Hong Kong and China. The great transformation of postwar Hong Kong happened in the shadow of a dark cloud over its long-term future, which is a legacy from history. Hong Kong in fact consists of three parts: the island of Hong Kong, the tip of the Kowloon peninsula, and the New Territories, which amounts to 90 percent of the overall territory. The first two were ceded by China to Britain in perpetuity, but the New Territories was only leased in 1898 for a period of 99 years. As the three parts developed organically they could not be separated. During the Pacific War the nationalist government of China successfully secured an agreement from the British government that the future of the New Territories would be open to negotiation after the defeat of Japan. When victory came, the British recovered Hong Kong, and the Chinese government was distracted by the challenges posed by the Communist Party. After it won control of mainland China in 1949 the Communist government left Hong Kong alone, as it was a highly valuable opening for China to reach out beyond the Communist bloc during the Cold War. In 1979 the British raised the issue of the New Territories lease, as the remainder of the lease was getting too short for comfort. Formal negotiations started in 1982, and it took two years for an agreement to be reached. The British government ultimately agreed to hand over the entirety of Hong Kong as a going concern to China, which undertook to maintain the system and way of life there unchanged for fifty years. The transitional period saw controversies over democratic developments in Hong Kong, which were limited at China’s insistence. The formal handover went smoothly in 1997, and the colony became a Chinese Special Administrative Region. At first it appeared that Hong Kong enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, as promised by the Chinese government, but the scope for its autonomy was eroded gradually. The increase in interactions between the local people and the mainland Chinese, as well as the Chinese authorities’ refusal to let Hong Kong develop genuine democracy, nurtured a strong sense of Hong Kong identity, which started to transform into a kind of national identity that is different and distinct from that of China. By the mid-2010s this gave rise to a small but vocal movement that advocates independence.

Author(s):  
Natalie Wong

China is one of the largest e-waste dumping sites in the world, and Hong Kong, a semi-autonomous territory in China, is also affected by illegal e-waste disposal and transfer. While the Chinese government implemented a waste import ban in January 2018, Hong Kong has not enforced Chinese policies under the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Drawing on a policy network approach, this paper provides an explanatory framework for e-waste governance in Hong Kong and China, and identifies the major obstacles to shaping effective transboundary e-waste control and prevention. The paper argues that institutional arrangements play a dominant role in governing e-waste policy networks at the local level of governance in Hong Kong and China; however, a lack of accountability and capacity at the transboundary level can explain the different waste electrical and electronic equipment (WEEE) management strategies in these two places.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-233
Author(s):  
Ray C. H. Leung

Abstract This study of media discourse focuses on how the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is conceptualized by the English-speaking press. To this end, the present research studies newspaper articles on the Hong Kong Occupy Central Movement published in Britain, the United States, and Australia. Cultural Linguistics, combined with corpus analytical techniques, is used to examine the construals of hong kong and mainland china. A 303,455-word corpus which contains 402 articles was compiled for data analysis. It is found that the disagreement between the Hong Kong civilians and the Mainland Chinese government is often reported with metonymical conceptualizations (place for inhabitants versus place for the institution). In general, the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is imbued with negative emotions, disharmony, and power differences, as is evident from the body, illness, disease, container, and possession conceptualizations. At the end of this paper, issues about researching conceptualizations in newspaper texts, such as the journalistic input, are discussed.


2001 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 217-244
Author(s):  
XIXIAO GUO

Late 1946 was a time of anticlimax in the history of Sino-American relations. For four years since the outbreak of the Pacific War, thousands of American servicemen had been in China rubbing shoulders with the Chinese. When victory finally came, more United States troops (mainly the marines of the Third Amphibious Corps) poured in, and the Chinese hailed them as heroes. In less than a year, however, as hostilities between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) closed in, the Americans were caught in the crossfire. Along the communication lines in North China, armed clashes between US and CCP forces escalated; in the cities, anti-American rallies became daily occurrences. The Chinese now became hostile to its erstwhile allies; wherever US servicemen went, they received boos from the locals. The rupture seemed to be irreversible: US forces started to evacuated, George Marshall, the presidential envoy to China, also ended his yearlong mediation, thus bringing the extraordinary intercourse between the two nations to an anticlimactic conclusion.


1997 ◽  
Vol 151 ◽  
pp. 553-566
Author(s):  
Brian Hook

The legacy of the colonial administration of Hong Kong, viewed from the majority of constituencies in Britain, is chiefly formed from the characteristics of the territory on the eve of retrocession. This, it will be noted, is in sharp contrast to the views formed by both the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and many Chinese observers. The British prefer to emphasize personal freedoms, the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, the efficiency of government, the competitiveness of business, the preeminent status in international trade, the suppression of corruption, the quality of the engineering infrastructure, and the improving health and welfare provisions as essential characteristics of their legacy.Their Chinese counterparts are much more likely to hark back to the bad old days of national humiliation and imperialist exploitation, seeking to draw the attention of all compatriots to the historical significance of reunification.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Baum

From 1982, when the Chinese government first signalled its intention to take back Hong Kong, to the actual transfer of sovereignty in 1997, the PRC engaged in a long-term campaign to “win friends and influence people” in the British colony. Hoping to prevent a large-scale flight of capital and manpower, and wishing to cultivate a core group of sympathetic local notables as future political leaders, Beijing issued frequent pledges of non-interference in Hong Kong's affairs and adopted classic “united front” tactics — flattering, cajoling, and otherwise wooing potential supporters while snubbing (and sometimes smearing) outspoken critics. Despite intensely negative local reaction to the 1989 “Tiananmen Massacre”, over the long haul Beijing largely succeeded in disarming public fears of a heavyhanded Chinese takeover. Consequently, the handover itself was an extremely calm, tranquil affair. And in the first 2 years of Hong Kong's new status as a “Special Administrative Region” of China, the PRC earned generally high marks for honoring its pledge to uphold the principle of “one country, two systems”.


2021 ◽  
Vol SI ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
Hsing-Hao Wu ◽  
Chih-Wei Chen

The COVID-19 pandemic has dramatically impacted public health and economic and social stability worldwide since the WHO’s Public Health Emergency of International Concerns declaration in early March 2020. The COVID-19 virus was first discovered in December 2019 in Wuhan city, China, and eventually resulted in the global pandemic, of which the cumulative cases have reached 181,367,824 at the time of writing. Taiwan encountered severe public health threats because of the frequent travelers as many as 10 million who commuted annually between mainland China and Taiwan. Recognizing the imminent threats arising from an intensive flow of people from mainland China due to the lockdown policy adopted by the Chinese government, Taiwan has adopted strict border control, sophisticated contact tracing and monitoring measures, and most importantly the securing of sufficient Personal Protection Equipment supply for citizens to prevent community spread. Taiwan’s quick and precise COVID-19 response at the early stage of containing the virus has been proven very successful since the outbreak of the COVID-19 global pandemic in late February 2020. Taiwan is now struggling to fight the recent outbreak for lacking sufficient vaccines and testing capacities and shall learn from other country’s experience for countermeasures against a massive epidemic. This article aims to explore the key elements for the early success of containing the COVID-19 virus, including the comprehensive legal framework for preventing infectious disease, highly trained public health officials and governance system, and citizen self-awareness. The article then discusses the potential legal controversies and their long-term impacts on Taiwan. Finally, this article provides the concluding observation and suggestions for fighting massive infectious diseases.


2019 ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Sean J. McLaughlin

This chapter explores Kennedy’s pre-presidential political career. By the end of World War II he had emerged as a well-connected Harvard graduate, author of a popular book, a decorated navy veteran of the Pacific War, and a budding young journalist with the Hearst chain. His political career began in 1946 when he was elected Representative for Massachusetts’s 11th Congressional District. In 1952 he was elected to the Senate, where he gained a reputation for sharp anti-colonial rhetoric that often targeted French policy. Throughout his pre-presidential political career, from 1946 to 1960, Kennedy’s most biting commentary was consistently reserved for the French in Vietnam and later Algeria. While Britain had negotiated its way out of India and later ran a successful counterinsurgency campaign against communist Malayan rebels, Kennedy worried openly that French colonial rule would drive the most rebellious of the Fourth Republic’s subjects toward the Sino-Soviet camp. Early postwar decolonization cemented Kennedy’s perception that the British were clear thinkers with long-term vision, while the French by contrast were characterized by a toxic mixture of short-sightedness, stubbornness, and indifference to the collective interests of the West.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yi-Huah Jiang

This article discusses what traditional Confucian political theory represents and how it is reconstructed by contemporary Confucians to cope with the various challenges that it faces in modern times. Specifically, I examine the school of New Confucianism in Taiwan and Hong Kong, political Confucianism and civic Confucianism in mainland China, and the theory of Confucian political meritocracy. I then analyze how the Communist Party of China attempts to promote Confucianism in order to consolidate its authoritarian rule and what damage this may cause to resurgent Confucianism. Finally, I evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of each approach and suggest some areas of interest for further exploration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jie Zhu

The expected equity risk premium is a key input of many asset prcing models in…nance. There exist a number of methods to estimate the risk premium. It is alsowell documented that the risk premium is time-varying. This paper brie‡y reviews twodi¤erent approaches. More speci…cally, the historical average and relative estimationare taken into closer examination. The …rst approach is applied to estimate equity riskpremium for stock markets in Greater China when the stock markets were recoveringfrom the bottom. Then the relative estimation approach is also adopted to empiricaldata to justify the …ndings in the …rst one, which takes into consideration the lowerrequired rate of return for Chinese investors due to lack of investment opportunities.After making these adjustments, we …nd that risk premium in mainland China is close torisk premium for Hong Kong and Taiwan markets. All of those markets have higher riskpremium compared to US market. The risk premium for Shanghai and Shenzhen marketare about 8% and 10% respectively. For Hong Kong and Taiwan these numbers become8% and 9%, where the long-term forward-looking risk premium for US market is about4%.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document