2. Revolutions

Author(s):  
James Marten

The succession of revolutions that followed the long medieval period in Europe profoundly affected childhood. The Reformation, the Enlightenment, and the political revolutions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries led to an expansion of democratic governments and the concomitant development of public education and social welfare programs. They also led to efforts by Western nations to eliminate, to separate, and, eventually, to integrate (on Western terms) subjugated peoples—often by manipulating children and forcing deep changes in child-rearing practices. “Revolutions” considers common childhood experiences around the world; the impact of the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the Enlightenment on childhood; and how indigenous and colonial customs impacted on each other.

Author(s):  
R. Cherry

This article briefly reviews the conservative, liberal and radical approaches to social welfare programs, and compares these with empirical evidence from the USA. Conservatives stress that welfare programs reduce work incentives and undermine individual initiatives. Liberals suggest that cuts in welfare have created increased hardship without changing significantly the incentives to work. The Massachusetts Employment and Training Program is analyzed from both perspectives. The Program does not reduce benefits but instead increases work incentives. The results of this Program are skeptically reviewed by radicals as well as some liberals.


Author(s):  
Karol Berger

The music-dramatic core of the book is framed by sections designed to place Wagner’s late works within the context of the political and ethical ideas of his time. The Prologue offers a genealogy of the principal worldviews available to Wagner and his contemporaries and shows how they related to one another. The options I describe are of diverse age, some with roots going as far back as the antiquity (the Judeo-Christian religious outlook), some characteristic of the modern age (the Enlightenment), some arising even more recently in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (the main currents of the Counter-Enlightenment that proceed under the banners of History, Nation, and Will). Deposited at different times, they all actively shaped the landscape in which Wagner found himself and left traces on his music dramas.


1975 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Wright

“Are we to permit none but louts and boors to rule when we can do better than that.” With these words, Martin Luther challenged the politicians of his day to educate the young, for, he wrote, it is pleasing to God that princes, lords and councilmen and others in authority be educated and qualified to perform the functions of their offices. It was necessary for those in authority to educate the young, because many parents would not do it, others were incompetent to do so, others did not have the time, and that was not to mention orphans.One of those politicians who responded to Luther's challenge was Philip the Magnanimous of Hesse. In the years 1526 to 1537, Philip organized a territorial system of public education consisting of state Latin grammar schools and a university.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 287-292
Author(s):  
NIKETAS SINIOSSOGLOU

A widespread trend in Enlightenment studies is to emphasize the particular ‘national contexts’ within which key ideas were disseminated and appropriated during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This may be one way to read the three books under review: on one level they appear to look at how three emblematic figures of Modern Greek Enlightenment (Adamantios Korais, Iosipos Moisiodax, and Veniamin Lesvios) transmitted ideological and philosophical tenets of Western modernity to the non-Western context of a country under construction: nineteenth-century Greece. Yet there is much more at work here. On closer study, these books collectively take an important step by suggesting a reversal of perspectives. The desideratum is an approach that no longer considers the Modern Greek Enlightenment (roughly extending from 1760 to 1821) as an a priori peripheral and dependent movement, but rather as a vehicle for elaborating on aspects of the Enlightenment as a transcultural phenomenon. Seen in this light, the space of the Modern Greek Enlightenment is not primarily geographical or geopolitical, but cultural and intellectual. Owing to the fluidity of borders and the mobility of intellectual agents inherited from the Ottoman imperial structures, the impact of the Modern Greek Enlightenment stretches across a vast area from south-eastern Europe to Asia Minor and from Transylvania to Kydonies. Interestingly, the same is true of the ideological and religious opponent of Enlightenment intellectual constellations in the Balkan peninsula: Orthodox Neo-Palamism. This spread from Mount Athos to Romania, offering a competing version of transnationalism and illumination with roots in Hesychast theology, rather than in the West. The emerging tension tested the application of Enlightenment ideas in ways alien to the West and shaped the outlook of intellectuals who are perhaps little known, but who merit a unique place in the broadly construed canon of Enlightenment thought.


Author(s):  
Lilian Calles Barger

This chapter illuminates how theology came to view itself and the unresolved political questions generated by modernity that liberation theologians challenged. The theo-political negotiation that began in sixteenth-century Europe, the reverberations of the Enlightenment and Romantic heart religion, remained as a residue within post-war theology. Both Catholics and Protestant liberationists voiced the attitude of the radical wing of the Reformation, an influential minority appealed to by many subsequent dissenters. The chapter surveys a set of key theo-political negotiations resulting in the Great Separation between religion and politics contributing to the mid-century irrelevancy of theology. The thought of Martin Luther, Thomas Müntzer, and Friedrick Schleiermacher are examined as offering key ideas. In response, liberationists argued for a critical theology against an inherited privatized religion and the assumed autonomy of theology that denied its political character. Refusing to bypass politics, they instigated a call for a critical world-shaping theology.


Author(s):  
Paul Wetherly

This chapter examines the legacy of the ‘classical’ ideologies in terms of their European origins, expansion, and dominance. Classical ideologies such as liberalism, conservatism, and socialism can be understood as contrasting responses to the intellectual, social, and economic transformations known as the Enlightenment and modernization, especially industrialization and the rise of capitalism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The chapter first considers the idea that liberalism constitutes a dominant ideology before discussing the relationship between ideological principles, party politics, and statecraft. It then analyses the relationship between the classical ideologies in terms of the Enlightenment and the left–right conception of ideological debate. It also introduces the notion of ‘new’ ideologies and the extent to which the dominance of the classical ideologies can be seen in the character of the political parties that have dominated Western democracies.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin I. Page ◽  
Larry M. Bartels ◽  
Jason Seawright

It is important to know what wealthy Americans seek from politics and how (if at all) their policy preferences differ from those of other citizens. There can be little doubt that the wealthy exert more political influence than the less affluent do. If they tend to get their way in some areas of public policy, and if they have policy preferences that differ significantly from those of most Americans, the results could be troubling for democratic policy making. Recent evidence indicates that “affluent” Americans in the top fifth of the income distribution are socially more liberal but economically more conservative than others. But until now there has been little systematic evidence about the truly wealthy, such as the top 1 percent. We report the results of a pilot study of the political views and activities of the top 1 percent or so of US wealth-holders. We find that they are extremely active politically and that they are much more conservative than the American public as a whole with respect to important policies concerning taxation, economic regulation, and especially social welfare programs. Variation within this wealthy group suggests that the top one-tenth of 1 percent of wealth-holders (people with $40 million or more in net worth) may tend to hold still more conservative views that are even more distinct from those of the general public. We suggest that these distinctive policy preferences may help account for why certain public policies in the United States appear to deviate from what the majority of US citizens wants the government to do. If this is so, it raises serious issues for democratic theory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-142
Author(s):  
Luis Alberto Suarez Rojas

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic brought anxiety, contagion and death to Peru, which registered 288,477 cases after the first 100 days of the outbreak, leading to a state of emergency. The quarantine measures and mobility restrictions characterized as the “hammer blow” produced significant impacts on the most vulnerable and poor populations across the country. While the Peruvian government implemented a subsidy that augmented social welfare programs, unfortunately many poor families and independent workers were left out. The resulting impact of COVID-19 and the quarantine measures has exacerbated existing inequalities in Peruvian society, particularly along the lines of gender and class. This article uses extensive survey and other data from the city of Lima to analyze the social experience of the pandemic from the perspective of the family, the impact of the pandemic on the domestic economy and household management, and finally the dilemmas of care and routines within families.


This chapter examines the development of social welfare programs in Western democracies and notes that they are influenced by cultural, economic, and political contexts. The chapter argues that in order to understand how social policies and social programs are developed, the cultural, economic, and politician contexts must be considered. The chapter, therefore, seeks to examine the cultural context that influenced the development of social policy, the economic context that influenced the development of social policy, and the political context that influenced the development of social policy.


Disruption ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 82-139
Author(s):  
David Potter

The chapter opens with a discussion of the social and political order of 15th-century Europe and the Catholic doctrine that provided the ideological core of the system. The next topic will be the development of a new technology, printing, which is crucial to the reform movement initiated by Martin Luther, who made unique use of the printed word to spread his ideas. The next topic is the political use of the Reform movement first in Germany, then in England and the Netherlands. The impact of the Reformation is the development of the nation state and the growth of reasoning based on science.


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