Foreign Policy of Saudi Arabia

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Military Support

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a major actor in Middle Eastern as well as global politics. Founded in 1932 by King Abd al-Aziz Al Saud, commonly known as Ibn Saud, the kingdom rests on an alliance between the Al Saud royal family and the followers of 18th-century Islamic revivalist Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. The strategic and geo-economic significance of the kingdom originates from its location and possession of huge oil resources. It borders the world’s two immensely significant strategic sea trade routes—the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, boasts of being the world’s largest oil exporter, and is home to Islam’s two holiest sites—Mecca and Medina. Though not a militarily significant power, the kingdom’s vast oil wealth has gradually and greatly elevated its status as an influential global economic and financial power. Currently, it is the world’s seventeenth largest economy ($1.774 trillion, 2017 estimate based on purchasing power parity, or PPP) and a member of the elite G20 club of world economic powers. The economic good fortune notwithstanding, the Saudis have traditionally depended on the United States, especially after World War II, for security guarantees and pursued a foreign policy of restraint guided by preferences for soft power tools like mediation in regional conflicts, financial aid and investments, and diplomatic influence. Relations with the United States, mostly smooth but occasionally rocky (for example, the 1973 Saudi-led oil embargo on the West and the 9/11 attacks), has remained the cornerstone of Saudi foreign policy. A series of recent developments, most notably the rise of regional rival Iran following the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, the contagious effects of Arab pro-democracy movements, and the proclamation of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the summer of 2014 forced a major overhaul in Saudi foreign policy. A fundamental shift from the traditional policy of restraint to a proactive foreign policy took root from the early 2010s. King Abdullah bin Abd al-Aziz sent troops to Bahrain in March 2011 to stifle the Shiʿa -led pro-democracy movements; incumbent King Salman bin Abd al-Aziz, soon after ascending the throne in January 2015, launched a massive air attack on Yemen to punish the allegedly pro-Iran Houthi rebels, and doubled down financial and military support for the pro-Saudi rebel groups fighting against the Iran- and Russia-backed Bashar Al-Assad government in Syria. The kingdom has justified this proactive foreign policy approach as a necessary response to force Shiʿa powerhouse Iran to scale back its presence in Arab countries and to keep Iranian power under check. Lately, the kingdom is pursuing policies to court Israel to jointly square off with their common enemy Iran and weaken pro-Iran Lebanese militia group Hezbollah’s military capabilities.

scholarly journals Drug prices in Latin American countries: the case of rheumatoid arthritis Biosimilars

2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas
Keyword(s):  
Rheumatoid Arthritis ◽  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Drug Prices ◽  
The Us ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.

In the name of the national interests: Foreign policy of Saudi Arabia after the Arab Spring

2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Arab Spring

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.

Ike and Italy: The Eisenhower Administration and Italy's “Neo-Atlanticist” Agenda

2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Brogi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Eisenhower Administration ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
International Standing ◽  
International Climate ◽  
The 1950S

U.S. -Italian relations in the 1950s were shaped in part by Italy's pursuit of a “Neo-Atlanticist” policy—a policy that emphasized economic multilateralism within the Western alliance and active diplomatic engagement with the nonaligned Arab countries. The Neo-Atlanticist approach led to certain ac-complishments but also to some notable failures. By late 1959, when domes-tic political squabbles and an unpropitious international climate brought an end to the Neo-Atlanticist policy, Italy had been unable to attain its chief objective of a significant increase in its international standing. The country did, however, shift from being a mere client of the United States to something closer to a full-fledged partner. Despite the failures of Neo-Atlanticism, the policy showed that a reliance on “soft power” (non-coercive means of influence)can work in some circumstances.

scholarly journals The US Role in the World Manufacturing and Trade as a Global Issue

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-112
Author(s):  
V. G. VARNAVSKIY
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
World Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Instrument Making ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa

The article considers the USA role and place in the global  manufacturing and trade. Key aspects of the world economy  transformation in the context of globalization, internationalization  and liberalization are studied. As shows, USA and China are the two  largest economies in the world. United States is the world’s largest  economy by nominal GDP and second largest by purchasing power  parity (PPP). It holds a 15.4 percent share of global GDP in PPP  (2016). China is the world’s largest economy by PPP, accounting for  17.8 percent of global GDP. The USA share of world GDP declined by  a total of 3.8 percentage points between 2006 and 2016. At the  same time, the United States possesses great economic strength. It  is also the world leader in innovation. China’s success has mostly  been in lowerend innovation. This country has been less successful in  higher-end innovation, where USA currently maintain a lead. The  United States holds a leading position in aerospace, instrument  making, cloud computing, ICT, robotics-related technologies, nanomaterials, biopharmaceutical and other high-tech  industries and China significantly lags behind. Special attention is paid to the U.S. foreign trade. It is shown that the USA is one of  the world’s largest importer and exporter of goods and services. It  accounts for 10.5 percent of global goods and services exports in  2016 (second place after China) and 13.3 percent of global imports  (first place). Despite the world’s second place after China in some economic indexes such as gross domestic product (at PPP),   size of manufacturingand merchandise trade, USA ranks first in the  world in terms of quality indicators of economic development. It  remains the most powerful economy in the world. The author’s  conclusion is that, the loss of US world leadership in terms of output  indicators has not yet become a global problem for other countries  and world economy in the whole.

scholarly journals Final years of the silver standard in Mexico: evidence of purchasing power parity with the United States

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Bojanic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Silver Standard

This paper focuses on the use of silver as a monetary standard in Mexico during approximately the last three decades of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century. During this period, several events occurred in the market for silver that affected those countries attached to this metal. These events caused some of these countries to abandon silver for good and adopt other types of monetary arrangements. Mexico and a few others chose to stay with it.The reasons behind this decision are analyzed. Additionally, evidence that supports the theory of purchasing power parity between Mexico and the United States is also presented and analyzed.

Public Diplomacy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Snow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
News Media ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Goals

Public diplomacy is a subfield of political science and international relations that involves study of the process and practice by which nation-states and other international actors engage global publics to serve their interests. It developed during the Cold War as an outgrowth of the rise of mass media and public opinion drivers in foreign policy management. The United States, in a bipolar ideological struggle with the Soviet Union, recognized that gaining public support for policy goals among foreign populations worked better at times through direct engagement than traditional, often closed-door, government-to-government contact. Public diplomacy is still not a defined academic field with an underlying theory, although its proximity to the originator of soft power, Joseph Nye, places it closer to the neoliberal school that emphasizes multilateral pluralistic approaches in international relations. The term is a normative replacement for the more pejorative-laden propaganda, centralizes the role of the civilian in international relations to elevate public engagement above the level of manipulation associated with government or corporate propaganda. Building mutual understanding among the actors involved is the value commonly associated with public diplomacy outcomes of an exchange or cultural nature, along with information activities that prioritize the foreign policy goals and national interests of a particular state. In the mid-20th century, public diplomacy’s emphasis was less scholarly and more practical—to influence foreign opinion in competition with nation-state rivals. In the post-Cold War period, the United States in particular pursued market democracy expansion in the newly industrializing countries of the East. Soft power, the negative and positive attraction that flows from an international actor’s culture and behavior, became the favored term associated with public diplomacy. After 9/11, messaging and making a case for one’s agenda to win the hearts and minds of a Muslim-majority public became predominant against the backdrop of a U.S.-led global war on terrorism and two active interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Public diplomacy was utilized in one-way communication campaigns such as the Shared Values Initiative of the U.S. Department of State, which backfired when its target-country audiences rejected the embedded messages as self-serving propaganda. In the 21st century, global civil society and its enemies are on the level of any diplomat or culture minister in matters of public diplomacy. Narrative competition in a digital and networked era is much deeper, broader, and adversarial while the mainstream news media, which formerly set how and what we think about, no longer holds dominance over national and international narratives. Interstate competition has shifted to competition from nonstate actors who use social media as a form of information and influence warfare in international relations. As disparate scholars and practitioners continue to acknowledge public diplomacy approaches, the research agenda will remain case-driven, corporate-centric (with the infusion of public relations), less theoretical, and more global than its Anglo-American roots.

Elections will sharpen US focus on Libya

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Relative Influence ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Past ◽  
External Actors

Subject The Trump administration's policy on the Libya conflict. Significance In recent weeks, the United States has pursued a more active foreign policy towards Libya. This is a departure from its position of the past eight years of ‘leading from the back’ on Libya and comes as US President Donald Trump faces an impeachment investigation and elections in November 2020. With the vote approaching, Trump's opponents have increasingly criticised his position on Moscow, drawing attention to the presence of Russian mercenaries in Libya. Impacts Ties with Egypt, the UAE and Saudi Arabia, and the relative influence Russia has with them, will weigh on the administration’s thinking. The State Department may push more actively for a ceasefire when a conference of external actors in Libya takes place in Berlin. A ceasefire could fragment the forces fighting Haftar without robust external guarantees that his forces would not violate it.

Estimating the Financial Incentive for Caribbean Teachers to Migrate: An Analysis of Salary Differentials using Purchasing Power Parity (PPP)

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
Gavin George ◽  
Bruce Rhodes ◽  
Christine Laptiste
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
Financial Incentive ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The United States ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
The Caribbean

The teaching stock within the Caribbean region has been eroded by migration to developed countries. Higher potential earnings are one of the motivating factors to move abroad, but little is known about the extent of the income disparity between countries in the Caribbean and popular destination countries. Teacher salary comparisons are undertaken between selected countries in the Caribbean; Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, St. Lucia, and Jamaica and popular destination countries, namely; United Kingdom, United States, and Canada using a purchasing power parity (PPP) exchange rate. Results show that newly qualified teachers can earn substantially more abroad, with Canada paying over twice the PPP adjusted salary compared to that offered in Jamaica (133.1%) and Suriname (110.6%). The United States offers the highest earning increases for mid- and late career teachers at over three times that offered in Jamaica (214.5%) and Suriname (223.4%). Canada is a close second across all Caribbean countries, whilst the United Kingdom offers the smallest salary differentials at 153.6% for Jamaica and 64.8% for St. Lucia. The study further reveals that there are salary disparities within the Caribbean, which may be a motivating factor for intra-regional migration.

The Kingdom and the Glory?

2020 ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Simon Mabon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Policy Behavior ◽  
Foreign Policy Behavior

In recent years, Saudi Arabia has faced a number of serious challenges to its geopolitical position in the Persian Gulf regional security complex. Having long relied upon the United States as a guarantor of its security, recent friction between Washington and Riyadh, coupled with what appeared to be a burgeoning rapprochement between the US and Iran, has caused policymakers in Riyadh to reconsider Saudi foreign policy behavior.

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