A New Order?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Llano
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Narrative Structure ◽  
Penal Code ◽  
New Order ◽  
Honor Code ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media

This chapter describes how organilleros, in spite of all the nuisance that they caused, played a key role in the formation of a middle-class lifestyle in Madrid. Organilleros represented everything that the rising middle classes rejected, such as coarseness and lack of refinement. The middle classes used organilleros as an Other against which to define themselves. Parallel to the legal persecution of organilleros in the 1890s, the press circulated news of crimes and murders allegedly committed by organilleros. There was a common narrative structure in all these news, namely, one in which an organillero killed his partner in a fit of jealousy. The media accused organilleros of misappropriating the centuries-long honor code that was endorsed in the 1870 Penal Code and that provided legitimacy for males to use violence against their wives to restore honor damaged through adultery.

scholarly journals REPRESENTASI LIQUID RELIGION KELAS MENENGAH MUSLIM DALAM FILM ISLAMI PASCA ORDE BARU

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Supriansyah Supriansyah
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Religious Values ◽  
New Order ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
A Value ◽  
Popular Medium ◽  
The Media ◽  
Liberal Capitalism

The main focus of this article is the construction of the middle class Muslims through representation and images in the form of Islamic films. Representations and simulations are used to maintain and strengthen the position of the middle class in Muslim societies. In the era of liberal capitalism, spectacle media is the most popular medium of society. The image is the main value in the media, which disturbs the society of capitalism to smooth the agenda of capitalism and consumerism. The main question in this article is how the representation and simulation of Islam is from the middle class Muslims in Indonesian Islamic films in post-new Order era? This article reveals the position of Islamic films as a medium of preservation of the religious values of the middle class that are displayed through film framing such as economic ability, education qualifications and political choice. The identity of the middle class is a value that is not only illustrated without ideological battles and the struggle for space in films, but at the same time becomes a religious ideological medium, especially the closed middle class Muslims ideology.

Magic and the British Middle Classes, 1750–1900

2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 632-653 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Waters
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Literary Fiction ◽  
Cultural Shift ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Victorian Period ◽  
The Media ◽  
Late Nineteenth

AbstractThis essay explores the attitudes of the British middle classes towards witchcraft, ghosts, and other so-called superstitions from the mid-eighteenth to the late nineteenth centuries. Conventional historiographical wisdom maintains that belief in magic among middle-class Britons declined gradually between the early modern and modern eras. Grounded in the study of newspapers, antiquarianism, public lectures, and literary fiction, this essay proposes a more precise chronology for the decline and subsequent resurgence of magic. It argues that it was only from the 1820s that the middle classes, the media that served them, the police, and certain politicians put popular superstitions under significant duress, and examines the agendas and anxieties underlying this temporary cultural shift away from magic. The later Victorian period saw the emergence of greater tolerance towards witchcraft and ghost beliefs, allowing them to be reinterpreted as picturesque folklore or fitting subjects for the enquiries of psychical science.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

Reevaluating the Middle-Class Protest Paradigm: A Case-Control Study of Democratic Protest Coalitions in Russia

2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRYN ROSENFELD
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Population Data ◽  
Case Control ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Electoral Fraud ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
State Sector ◽  
State Dependent ◽  
Selective Incentives

A large literature expects rising middle classes to promote democracy. However, few studies provide direct evidence on this group in nondemocratic settings. This article focuses on politically important differentiation within the middle classes, arguing that middle-class growth in state-dependent sectors weakens potential coalitions in support of democratization. I test this argument using surveys conducted at mass demonstrations in Russia and detailed population data. I also present a new approach to studying protest based on case-control methods from epidemiology. The results reveal that state-sector professionals were significantly less likely to mobilize against electoral fraud, even after controlling for ideology. If this group had participated at the same rate as middle-class professionals from the private sector, I estimate that another 90,000 protesters would have taken to the streets. I trace these patterns of participation to the interaction of individual resources and selective incentives. These findings have implications for authoritarian stability and democratic transitions.

Constructing Public Opinion and Manipulating Symbols: China's Press Cover-age of the Student Movement in 1989

1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guo-Qiang Zhang ◽  
Sidney Kraus
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Dominant Ideology ◽  
Tiananmen Square ◽  
The Press ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Military

This content analysis of Chinese newspapers before and after the Tiananmen Square protest examines the symbolic representation of the Student Movement of 1989 in China. The study reveals that top leaders manipulated symbols given to the media and that these symbols rigorously highlighted the dominant ideology of the Chinese Communist Party and isolated the movement participants. Officials attempted to legitimize the military suppression of the movement. The press construction of public opinion echoed the hegemonic process created and maintained by the party structure.

scholarly journals The Denouncers: Populism and the Press in Venezuela

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT SAMET
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Everyday Practices ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Recent Attention

AbstractDespite recent attention to the relationship between the media and populist mobilisation in Latin America, there is a misfit between the everyday practices of journalists and the theoretical tools that we have for making sense of these practices. The objective of this article is to help reorient research on populism and the press in Latin America so that it better reflects the grounded practices and autochthonous norms of the region. To that end, I turn to the case of Venezuela, and a practice that has been largely escaped attention from scholars – the use of denuncias.

Balenciaga: Addressing misconceptions concerning his fashion press policies

2021 ◽  
Vol 00 (00) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Ana Balda
Keyword(s):  
North American ◽  
Professional Life ◽  
Fashion Magazines ◽  
Negative View ◽  
The North ◽  
American Fashion ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media

This article interrogates the reputation, prevalent to this day, of Balenciaga as being anti-advertising and anti-media, according to some of his contemporary journalists as well as some of his employees and clients. The study contextualizes Balenciaga in the framework of the influence of the fashion press and the reality of the French couture licensing business in the North American fashion market from 1937 to 1968, his years on the international scene. Based on the analysis of the issues of Vogue, Harper’s Bazaar and Women’s Wear Daily for the same period, the research demonstrates that the designer had not always been so scornful of the media. He really was a discreet man, but this does not mean he hated the press, as his designs often appeared in the most influential fashion magazines. The article argues that the negative view in the media’s perception of him was generalized after his veto to the press in January 1956 – a decision he took for business reasons – and was retroactively attributed to his entire professional life.

From Ni putes ni soumises to #metoo in the French press: Between the hegemony of Whiteness and the Otherness of Muslims

2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110217
Author(s):  
Marion Dalibert
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
News Media ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
White Women ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
The Media ◽  
Cultural Power ◽  
Majority Groups ◽  
Feminist Movements

By questioning the media coverage of the seven feminist movements that have received most publicity in the French mainstream media since the 2000s, this article shows that the media narrative regarding feminism perpetuates the national metanarrative produced in generalist newspapers. This metanarrative reinforces the power of majority groups by portraying them as inherently egalitarian, while those with the least economic, social, political and cultural power, such as Muslim men, are portrayed as the most sexist. It also highlights that racialised collectives are still socially invisible or limited to a visibility that is framed by representations rooted in a (post) colonial imaginary. Non-white women are in fact presented as fundamentally submissive, while (upper)-middle-class white women are the only ones associated with emancipation, which is significant of white and bourgeois hegemony at work in the French news media.

ON SEX, GENDER AND SEXISM IN THE BULGARIAN CULTURE AND LANGUAGE

2021 ◽  
pp. 31-39
Author(s):  
Petar VODENICHAROV
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Professional Women ◽  
Male Dominance ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Definite Article ◽  
Security Officers ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The Media ◽  
Communist Countries

The paper is provoked by the rejection and falsification of the messages of the Istanbul Convention in Bulgaria and other post-communist countries which caused a wave of homophobia. The author tries to prove that neither in the communist period nor in the post-communist period a real emancipation of women was achieved, the theme of homosexuality was a taboo (in the communist period), over-presented in the first decade of the transition and later stigmatize by the rise of the populist nationalistic discourse. During the communist period, the so called “Unions of the fighters against fascism” turned into the male clientelistic networks granted with many privileges and marginalizing female antifascists. The critical discourse analysis of the press (1976) reveals male dominance and silencing of women playing mostly a decorative role. After the democratic changes the same male actors (nomenclature and former state security officers) benefited from the privatization, but the so called “mugs” (wrestlers) presented the new masculinity in the media: women were extremely sexualized and the new femininity was presented by the prostitutes and the girls in the entertaining industry, the professional women were rarely mentioned. The second part of the paper is a gender analysis of the lexical and grammatical system of the Bulgarian language. The analysis of the dominating metaphors reveals the means of male dominance in the everyday speech. Although the Slav languages have morphemes to denote women’s professions the media discourse prefers the male forms as more prestigious. The definite article and the plural forms serve to emphasise the male forms and to provide their euphony.

The Influence of the Media on Policies in Practice: Hungarian Refugee Resettlement in the Netherlands in 1956

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-53
Author(s):  
Marlou Schrover ◽  
Tycho Walaardt
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Supportive Role ◽  
The Press ◽  
Freedom Fighters ◽  
The Media ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Changes Over Time

This article analyses newspaper coverage, government policies and policy practices during the 1956 Hungarian refugee crisis. There were surprisingly few differences between newspapers in the coverage of this refugee migration, and few changes over time. The role of the press was largely supportive of government policies, although the press did criticise the selection of refugees. According to official government guidelines, officials should not have selected, but in practice this is what they attempted to do. The refugees who arrived in the Netherlands did not live up to the image the press, in its supportive role, had created: there were too few freedom fighters, women and children. This article shows that the press had an influence because policy makers did make adjustments. However, in practice selection was not what the media assumed it was, and the corrections were not what the media had aimed for.

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