Local Elections

2020 ◽  
pp. 381-399
Author(s):  
Ulrik Kjær
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Second Tier ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Electoral Law

Local elections are held every fourth year in the ninety-eight municipalities and the five regions of Denmark. Five features following from the local electoral law are used as points of departure to analyse the local elections: extended suffrage, non-concurrency with national elections, low formal but high natural thresholds, influential preference votes, and indirectly elected mayors. Thinking of local elections not as second-order but second-tier elections, it is concluded that the local vote is very local, with more than seven in ten voters basing their vote on local issues, the local campaign, and local candidates. This is despite the fact that the local party system is heavily nationalized and has come to resemble the national party system more and more. Most of the parties represented in national parliament run in almost all municipalities and regions and gain representation in many of these, while local non-partisan lists only play a minor role and conquer less than one seat in twenty. The two largest parties, the Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, share among them almost two-thirds of the seats and a clear majority of the mayoralties.

Activity of modern right-wing radical parties in the Czech Republic

2019 ◽  
pp. 164-173
Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Political Radicalism

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.

From Socialist Unification to Socialist Scission 1966–69: Socialist Unification and the Italian Party System

1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice Rizzi
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Strategic Design ◽  
Single Voice

A FEW YEARS AGO, GALL1 AND PRANDI WROTE THAT THE UNIFICATION of the socialists represented a phase of rationalization of the Italian political system. Not only did the re-unification of the PSI (Socialist Party of Italy) and the PSDI (Social Democratic Party of Italy) lead to a simplification of the party subsystem (by reducing its excessive numbers), thus rendering the choice between alternatives easier for the electorate. But at last a single voice seemed to emerge which could undertake the task of opposing the twenty years of Christian Democrat predominance, which had been responsible for so many aspects of political ‘immobilism’. Moreover it was possible to discern a strategic design in the socialist plans — an optimistic design perhaps, but entailing possible innovations. The formation of a strong Socialist Party might have led to the overcoming of one of the principal - if not the greatest - defects of the Italian party system: the absence of a mechanism of rewards and punishments.

Option Grün: Alliance 90/The Greens at the Dawn of New Opportunities?

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingolfur Blühdorn
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Party System ◽  
Environmental Issues ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Consumer Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
Government Coalition

Following the end of their government coalition with the Social Democratic Party, German Green Party leaders spoke of "a dawn of new opportunities" for Alliance 90/The Greens. They wanted to capitalize on the strategic opportunities afforded by Germany's new five-party system and on the unexpected rise of climate change in public debate. Shortly before the 2009 federal election, however, the party's "new opportunities" seem rather limited. Selectively focusing on one particular explanatory factor, this article contrasts the Green's neo-radical eco-political position as it has emerged since 2005 with the ways in which environmental issues are addressed by the currently popular LOHAS (Life of Health and Sustainability) consumer movement. It suggests that the German Greens may have paid too little attention to the ongoing reframing of the environmental issue in public discourse and that this has impaired their prospects for a swift return to government office.

Kyrgyz referendum may be Pyrrhic victory

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Social ◽  
Pyrrhic Victory ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Subject Kyrgyzstan's constitutional referendum. Significance Now that President Almazbek Atambayev has secured the constitutional changes he wanted, it is unclear how he benefits. The December 11 referendum was a success in its own terms despite the dearth of public understanding of the issues, but was accompanied by an acrimonious divorce between the ruling Social Democratic Party and its long-term coalition partner, Ata-Meken. Impacts A weaker government and divided parliament will struggle to focus on chronic and serious economic problems. The Social Democrats are in a stronger position nationwide thanks to their strong showing in simultaneous local elections. Kyrgyz nationalist and conservative groups will feel emboldened as some of the amendments are seen as concessions to them.

scholarly journals Room for Realignment: The Working-Class Sympathy for Sweden Democrats

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Oskarson ◽  
Marie Demker
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
The Social ◽  
Class Voting ◽  
Ideological Dimension ◽  
High Degree ◽  
Swedish Politics

How is it that the Swedish populist nationalist party the Sweden Democrats receives its strongest support from the established working class, in spite of the high degree of class voting and left–right mobilization which is known to characterize Swedish politics? Based on surveys from the SOM (Society, Opinion, Media) Institute as well as the Swedish National Elections Studies, this article shows that this is not a result of increasing anti-immigrant attitudes in the working class or of decreasing left–right polarization among voters. Rather, we present the argument that the weakening alignment between the working class and the Social Democratic Party and the weakened left–right polarization between the main parties have created a structure which has left room for a realignment between large parts of the working class and the Sweden Democrats along the alternative underlying ideological dimension of authoritarianism/libertarianism.

In the interest of peace and progress: Eduard Bernstein's socialist foreign policy

1983 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-93
Author(s):  
R. A. Fletcher
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Karl Marx ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Democratic Socialism ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Almost All

Eduard Bernstein (1850–1932) is now widely known as the father of revisionism and one of the more important progenitors of democratic socialism. What is often still overlooked is that almost all his theoretical work (an attempt to update the thought of Karl Marx in the light of the changed conditions of advanced capitalism) was done in England during his London exile (1888–1901) and that for the last three decades of his life he was a practising politician who manifested a close, informed and overriding interest in the major political issues of the era. Almost without interruption between 1902 and 1928 he served as a Social Democratic deputy in the German Reichstag, where he functioned as one of the SPD's principal foreign policy and taxation spokesmen. He was most influential within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) before and during the First World War, increasingly less effective after 1914. An outline of Bernstein's views on German foreign policy during the period when he was at the height of his authority as an active socialist politician thus promises to fill a gap in existing scholarship and to shed new light on the father of revisionism and his progeny.

scholarly journals Społeczno‑polityczny rozwój Zakarpacia (1991‑2014)

Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (34/1)) ◽  
pp. 143-159
Author(s):  
Jurij Ostapec
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Regional Specificity ◽  
Election Results

Social‑Political Development of Transcarpatia The author of the article has analyzed the social‑political development of Transcarpathia and the factors conditioning it. The author has performed the periodization of the mentioned development on the basis of criteria of dominance/conflict of political elites in the region. Four periods have been distinguished: the first − 1991‑2004 − the period of formation of the local authority and dominance of Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) in it; the second − 2004‑2010 − the structuring of political space in the oblast after the 2004 presidential election; the third − starting from 2010 − changes in the structure of power relations in Transcarpathia after the presidential elections in 2010; the fourth − starting from 2014 − formation of a new system of government after the Ukrainian Revolution (December 2013 − February 2014). Much attention has been paid to the electoral process in the region, as election results have an impact on politics and society of the region. The parliamentary, presidential and local elections have been considered as well as their impact on social and political development of the region. Regional specificity of social and political development of Transcarpathia has been consditioned by the following factors: geographical location of the region (border proximity with European Union countries): historical background (participation in elections by party lists to the parliament of Czechoslovakia in 1924, 1925, 1929, 1935, declaration in 1939 of independent state − Carpathian Ukraine and participation in the elections to Soym); social – demographic characteristics of the electorate: the specifics of the formation of regional political elites (dependent on Kyiv); features of the formation and development of the party structure of the region.

Italy will see volatile general election campaign

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Financial Markets ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Northern League ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Electoral Law

Subject Italy’s upcoming general election. Significance Two of the four main parties competing in Italy’s next general election on March 4 -- the Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Northern League, between them likely to win at least 40% of the vote -- are populist movements with marked anti-European and anti-immigrant elements. Neither will win a majority on its own, but their combined support levels will prevent either of the other two main parties, the Democratic Party (PD) and Forza Italia, from winning a majority. Impacts Intensifying debates around Italy’s euro-area membership after the election would worry financial markets. A long period of political stalemate may undermine confidence in Italy’s capacity to implement reforms. The new electoral law may help in assembling majorities but the shape of the party system will continue to undermine strong coalitions.

British Foreign Policy and the Party System

1960 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 635-646
Author(s):  
F. S. Northedge
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Party System ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Policy Recommendations ◽  
Party Discipline ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
General Elections ◽  
International Issues ◽  
A Minor

It is a paradox of British politics that, while party discipline is such that no government has to depend on Opposition support in order to pursue the foreign policy of its choice, this very fact has been one reason for the normal consensus on questions of foreign policy between the two front benches. The greater the prospects of Opposition leaders forming the next government the greater the discipline they tend to exert over their ranks, and the more international realities are imposed upon the kind of fantasy-thinking to which a party denied power for many years is especially prone. These tendencies have been notable in British politics since the war; they are likely to continue, given that the Labour Party can control the forces of disruption unleashed by its recent defeat. In the five general elections since the wartime Coalition Government foreign policy issues have not merely occupied a minor role; they have been regarded by party leaders, though not always by the rank and file, as though they were primarily questions of personal qualifications for conducting policies the main outlines of which were not in dispute. At the general election in the autumn of 1959, although disagreements between Government and Opposition had undoubtedly grown since the quiet accords of 1955, the campaign turned, if on international issues at all, on the eligibility of Right or Left to represent the country in negotiations in which the likely British position was largely agreed on both sides. The Leader of the Opposition recognised that this was so, although his explanation for it was that Ministers had been forced to accept Labour's policy recommendations.

Selling the Economic Miracle: Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark E. Spicka
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Miracle ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Christian Social Union

Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.

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