The Venezuelan Oil and the US Imperialism (1920–2020)

2021 ◽  
pp. 179-195
Author(s):  
Hemmi Croes
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
pp. 185-213
Author(s):  
Ann Russo

Recognizing how enmeshed mainstream feminist discourses are in US empire building, this essay offers ways of disentangling US ideas about solidarity from efforts of imperial conquest through a lens of accountability. The essay takes as a case in point the ways that feminist efforts have fed into the “war on terrorism” as it has played out in the US occupation and war in Afghanistan post-9/11 as well as in the context of Islamophobic and anti-Arab social policy and violence in the US. An accountability lens shifts to a solidarity grounded in mutuality and interconnectedness.


2007 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Robinson

AbstractThe dynamics of the emerging transnational stage in world capitalism cannot be understood through the blinkers of nation-state-centric thinking. In her study Empire of Capital, Ellen Meiksins Wood exhibits the reification and outdated nation-state-centric thinking that plagues much recent work on world capitalism and US intervention, expressed in the confusing notion of a 'new imperialism'. The overarching problems in Wood's study – and, by extension, in much of the 'new-imperialism' literature – is a reified notion of imperialism, a refusal to draw out the analytical, theoretical, methodological, and epistemological implications of capitalist globalisation, and an incessant reification of the state. Instead of a 'new US empire', the current epoch is best understood as a new transnational phase in the ongoing evolution of world capitalism, characterised in particular by the rise of truly transnational capital, globalised circuits of accumulation, and transnational state apparatuses. 'US imperialism' refers to the use by tansnational élites of the US state apparatus to continue to attempt to expand, defend and stabilise the global capitalist system. US militarisation and intervention are best understood as a response to the intractable contradictions of global capitalism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ashok Antony D’Souza

The United States (US) is usually thought of as a nation representing freedom, democracy and human rights. However, as shown by Noam Chomsky and a few others, the US has turned out to be the most dominant imperialist nation as it is a ‘super power’ with immense political and economic clout. The US has been involved in human rights’ violations, Chomsky claims, with an intention of capturing markets for its goods and services, but has been successful in veiling it by shaping popular consciousness through its hegemony over popular media. Chomsky argues that the US has been preparing the ground for human rights’ violations by the use of ‘Propaganda Model’ which ‘filters’ reality in such a way as to give the ‘news’ that is perverted to serve the needs of the ruling elite. For instance, in many of the ‘news’ reports the weapons of mass destruction used by the US are attributed human traits while the citizens of the enemy nation are presented as nameless “aggressors” or “terrorists”. The relevance of the paper rests on working out the implications of Chomsky’s perspectives on the use of media by the US to serve its propagandist model and the implications of such tendencies to nations like India. The paper also tries to work out the possible way out of this impasse. Keywords: Culture of terrorism, human rights, media, propaganda model, US imperialism


Author(s):  
А.М. Kulumzhanova ◽  

This work outlines the history and dialectical patterns of political and social changes in the form of the revolutionary liberation struggle of people in Latin America, as well as their opposition against US imperialism. The doctrine of imperialist ideology in the form of a disguised aggression of the interventionist nature of the US political course in Latin America is described in detail, an analysis is made of the growing role in world politics of those countries of the continent where progressive, democratic changes are taking place, as well as of countries whose ruling circles refuse the US orientation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Horace G. Campbell

Abstract The documented evidence of the Kenyan military collaborating with the so-called forces of terror in Somalia to maintain their accumulation of approximately $400 million every year hardly made the international headlines as the leaders of Kenya have been rehabilitated into the ranks of those allied to US imperialism in waging a war on terror. There is an examination of the links between the US intelligence forces and the Kenyan cartels in keeping alive the terror threat in Somalia. Very few scholars have followed up on the revelations of the role of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in funding those who matured into what is now called terror groups in Somalia through the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism. The challenge for scholars for peace will be to penetrate the US Africa Command shibboleths on ‘failed states’ in order to work for a program of peace and reconstruction in Africa. In the conclusion, the paper will argue that the withdrawal of the Kenyan troops from Somalia and demilitarization of security will be a concrete step to break up the cartels that are in the business of terror.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colleen Woods

This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines.


Race & Class ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerry Harris

The failure of its occupation of Iraq has provoked deep divisions among the US ruling elite over the future of foreign policy. The unilateralism promoted by the neoconservatives has been discredited, yet it is unclear whether the post-Bush era will be dominated by the `realists' or the `globalists', each of whom advocate different pathways for US imperialism. The `realists' — long the dominant trend in US foreign policy thinking — aim to maintain US leadership of the pro-western alliance formed during the cold war, whereas the `globalists', whose economic interests are those of transnational capital, seek to rethink US power within the context of an emerging polycentric world system, the parameters of which remain to be fully articulated. For the moment, there is a disconnect between the transnational economics of globalisation and the nationalist politics of the US ruling class, which remains committed to its belief that America has been uniquely chosen by history, culture and God to lead the world.


2007 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 121-142
Author(s):  
François Chesnais

AbstractThis paper argues that present-day imperialism is strongly related to the domination of a precise form of capital, namely highly concentrated interest- and dividend-bearing money-capital which operates in financial markets, breeds today's pervasive fetishism of money, but is totally dependent on surplus-value and production. Two mechanisms ensure the appropriation and/or production of surplus-product and its centralisation to the world system's financial hubs. In the 1980s, foreign debt prevailed. Foreign production and profit repatriation by TNCs now represent the main channel. Following the transfer abroad of part of its production by US TNCs, the issue for the US in their relations with the rest of the world is not the commercialisation of surplus through exports, but dependency on imports and, more crucially, on large inflows of money-capital to support the stock market, buy T-bonds and refinance mortgage. This new dependency helps to explain the 'paradox' that US imperialism is increasingly forced to try and offset this through extra-economic and even military coercion where it can.


Author(s):  
Eric Paul Roorda

On August 29, 1916, the USS Memphis wrecked on the coast of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. A series of enormous waves drove the heavy armored cruiser ashore, killing forty-five sailors. The fact that the death toll was not much higher is owed to the heroic efforts of Dominicans to rescue the survivors of the shipwreck. This was despite the fact that the US Marine Corps had invaded their country three months before, initiating an occupation with unwonted violence. The US Marine occupation of the Dominican Republic would last for eight years, compiling a record of brutality inflicted on the civilian population that Senate hearings documented in excruciating detail. In the aftermath of the traumatic occupation, the shipwreck of the USS Memphis itself, rusting away in plain sight along the seaside boulevard in the Dominican capital city, became symbolic of US imperialism. The dictator Rafael Trujillo, a Marine protégé who seized power in 1930, pointed to the wreck as a relic of the days before US domination, contrasting it with the happy days after national sovereignty had been attained under his own strong rule. In order to implement the Good Neighbor Policy, an effort to expunge the negative legacy of the era of intervention and occupation known as “Gunboat Diplomacy,” President Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered the removal of the wreck of the Memphis after taking office in 1933. The wreck’s removal finally took place in 1937.


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