Legitimate Force in a Particularistic Democracy: Street Police and Outlaw Legislators in the Republic of China on Taiwan

2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (03) ◽  
pp. 615-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey T. Martin
Keyword(s):  
Local Order ◽  
Central State ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Democratic Reform ◽  
Ethnographic Observation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Historical Consideration ◽  
Political Figure

This article explores a “particularistic” concept of legitimacy important to Taiwanese democracy. This form of legitimacy, I suggest, has been instrumental for Taiwan's successful democratic consolidation in the absence of the rule of law. As evidence, I combine ethnographic observation of neighborhood police work with historical consideration of a type of political figure emergent in the process of democratic reform, which I call the “outlaw legislator.” I focus my analysis on the institutional and ideological processes articulating local policing into the wider political field. The center of these processes is a mode of popular representation that positions the outlaw legislator as a crucial hinge articulating the particularistic local order with central state powers. By analyzing the cultural content of the dramaturgical work used to reconcile low policing with higher-level state operations, this article shows how a particularistic idiom of legitimacy helps hold Taiwanese democracy together.

scholarly journals Relevansi Gagasan Pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Jalur Perseorangan terhadap Prinsip Negara Hukum dan Demokrasi

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-171
Author(s):  
Yuniar Riza Hakiki
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Recruitment System ◽  
The Individual

This article discusses the relevance of the for nominating the President and Vice President through the individual based on the principles of rule of law and democracy in Indonesia. Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia restricts the nomination of the President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia in a way that it can only be proposedby political parties or a combination of political parties. In other words, it limits individual candidate. As a country that adheres to the principles of the rule of law and democracy, various channels of democracy as a means of actively participating in politics must naturally be open widely. Therefore, the recruitment system for the positions of President and Vice President needs to be redesigned in line with principles of rule of law and democracy in Indonesia. This article concludes that the idea of ​​the for nominating the President and Vice President through the individual channels is by the principles of the rule of law and democracy, which is at least proven by the four arguments based on of the rule of law principles and democracy. First, guaranteeing the constitutional rights of citizens in political field. Second, guaranteeingself-actualization of citizens in political life independently (without being mobilized). Third, guaranteeing political recruitment to fill positions holding the state openly. Fourth, guarantee that the constitutional-based government is accommodative and remains organized according to law. Abstrak Artikel ini membahas relevansi pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden melalui jalur perseorangan atas dasar prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi di Indonesia. Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945 membatasi pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia yaitu hanya dapat diusulkan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik. Hal itu menutup kesempatan pencalonan dari jalur perseorangan. Sebagai negara yang menganut prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi, berbagai kanal demokrasi sebagai sarana berpartisipasi politik secara aktif dalam pemerintahan tentu harus terbuka lebar. Oleh karenanya, rekrutmen jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden ini perlu didesain ulang agar lebih akomodatif dan selaras dengan prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi Indonesia. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa gagasan pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden melalui jalur perseorangan berkesesuaian dengan prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi, yang setidaknya dibuktikan dengan empat argumen yang merujuk prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi. Pertama, menjamin hak konstitusional warga negara di bidang politik. Kedua, menjamin aktualisasi diri warga negara dalam kehidupan politik secara mandiri (tanpa digerakkan). Ketiga, menjamin rekrutmen politik untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan penyelenggaran negara secara terbuka. Keempat, menjamin pemerintahan yang berdasarkan konstitusi secara akomodatif berdasarkan hukum.

scholarly journals Application of Artificial Intelligence in COVID-19 Pandemic: Bibliometric Analysis

Healthcare ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 441
Author(s):  
Md. Mohaimenul Islam ◽  
Tahmina Nasrin Poly ◽  
Belal Alsinglawi ◽  
Li-Fong Lin ◽  
Shuo-Chen Chien ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Artificial Intelligence ◽  
Bibliometric Analysis ◽  
English Language ◽  
R Package ◽  
Research Area ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Comprehensive Picture ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Academy Of Sciences

The application of artificial intelligence (AI) to health has increased, including to COVID-19. This study aimed to provide a clear overview of COVID-19-related AI publication trends using longitudinal bibliometric analysis. A systematic literature search was conducted on the Web of Science for English language peer-reviewed articles related to AI application to COVID-19. A search strategy was developed to collect relevant articles and extracted bibliographic information (e.g., country, research area, sources, and author). VOSviewer (Leiden University) and Bibliometrix (R package) were used to visualize the co-occurrence networks of authors, sources, countries, institutions, global collaborations, citations, co-citations, and keywords. We included 729 research articles on the application of AI to COVID-19 published between 2020 and 2021. PLOS One (33/729, 4.52%), Chaos Solution Fractals (29/729, 3.97%), and Journal of Medical Internet Research (29/729, 3.97%) were the most common journals publishing these articles. The Republic of China (190/729, 26.06%), the USA (173/729, 23.73%), and India (92/729, 12.62%) were the most prolific countries of origin. The Huazhong University of Science and Technology, Wuhan University, and the Chinese Academy of Sciences were the most productive institutions. This is the first study to show a comprehensive picture of the global efforts to address COVID-19 using AI. The findings of this study also provide insights and research directions for academic researchers, policymakers, and healthcare practitioners who wish to collaborate in these domains in the future.

The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.

Negotiating the Cold War: The United States and the Two Koreas

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 85-105
Author(s):  
Steven Hugh Lee
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Agreed Framework ◽  
Peace Settlement ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractSince December 1997, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States have met in a series of talks aimed at promoting peace and stability on the Korean peninsula and in the region. According to a November 1998 U.S. Department of Defense report, the discussions have created a “diplomatic venue for reducing tensions and ultimately replacing the Armistice Agreement with a permanent peace settlement.”1 Amidst the tragic human suffering which has occurred in North Korea, there have been some encouraging developments on the peninsula. The 1994 Agreed Framework between the United States and North Korea placed international controls on North Korea’s atomic energy program and cautiously anticipated the normalization of U.S.-DPRK relations. Since assuming power in early 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae Jung has vigorously pursued a policy of engagement with P’yo¨ngyang, known as the “sunshine policy.” Over the past decade, North Korea has also reoriented its foreign policy. In the early 1990s, the regime’s social and economic crisis led to a rethinking of its autarkic economic system. By early 1994, the state had created new free trade zones and relatively open foreign investment laws.2 By complying with the Agreed Framework, the DPRK has also shown a willingness to work with the international community on sensitive issues affecting its internal sovereignty and ability to project power beyond its borders.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

Surviving Troubled Times on the Borders of China: Sheng Shicai as a Successful Warlord in Xinjiang, 1931–34

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Yuan Zhi Ou
Keyword(s):  
Professional Training ◽  
Military Training ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Government Documents ◽  
Frontier Region ◽  
Chinese Military ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Early Republican

Abstract Ethnicity, religion, and geopolitics affect historians’ interpretations of the history of Xinjiang, a very chaotic frontier region of China that did not come fully under the control of the People’s Republic of China until recent decades. The case of Sheng Shicai, an early Republican Era Chinese military officer, shows how professional training and, most importantly, the ability to capitalize on emerging opportunities contributed to his military success in Xinjiang from 1931 to 1934. This paper analyzes the Republic of China’s government documents, Sheng and his acquaintances’ memoirs, newspaper articles, and other sources to examine how Sheng applied his military training and employed regional and foreign military forces to win battles in northern Xinjiang. Professional military training helped officers to utilize their resources efficiently and take advantage of their geopolitical situations. Amid numerous talented Chinese military officers, Sheng rose in rank and successfully secured Xinjiang as a part of the Republic of China even when Xinjiang’s geopolitics seemed extremely challenging. This study highlights the value of Sheng’s military prowess, something that the literature has not previously appreciated.

Christian Poetry from Tang to Republican Era

2021 ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
Zhaohui Bao
Keyword(s):  
Tang Dynasty ◽  
Chinese Poetry ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Christians ◽  
Republican Era ◽  
The Tang Dynasty ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Chinese Writing ◽  
Historical Periods ◽  
Poetic Style

This essay surveys Christian poetry in the Tang dynasty to the Republic of China era. It discusses two basic criteria for defining the constitution and requirements of Christian poetry. It also looks at poetic elements of Christian motifs and biblical genres as they were used in Christian poetry composed by foreign missionaries, non-Christians, and Chinese Christians. This essay also describes how Chinese Christian poets used the styles of Chinese poetry to express the themes of Christianity in different historical periods. According to this period, Xu Guangqi, Wang Zheng, Wu Li, Zhao Zichen, and Bing Xin are the important Christian poets. Wu Jingxiong, Zhu Weizhi, John Chalmers, and Frederick William Baller are excellent translators who translated Hebrew poems into Chinese poetic style. The essay discusses the contributions of Chinese Christian poetry to Chinese writing and the limitations of their writing based on context.

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