A New China-U.S. Tango

2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (01) ◽  
pp. 17-33
Author(s):  
Shao Yuqun

The China-U.S. relationship is the most important major power relationship in the 21st century. That this relationship can remain strategically stable and embrace further positive development is not only in the interests of themselves, but also of the whole international community. In other words, the relationship has gone far beyond the bilateral level to have increasingly significant implications for the Asia-Pacific region and the world at large. Currently, China and the U.S. are actively engaging each other in framing a new regional order in the Asia-Pacific, dealing with a series of global governance as well as geostrategic issues. During this process, some new challenges in their bilateral relationship are outstanding, including their ever more intense competition for a new world order, difficulty for their deepening cooperation on the new strategic basis of global governance, and their deficient security cooperation in the global arena. Facing these new challenges, both countries need to strive to manage their relationship more prudently and flexibly in order to keep it on the right track.

2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 341-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yafei He

Since China rejoined the global economy four decades ago, it has adopted a peaceful development strategy that is deeply rooted in the peaceful DNA of the Chinese civilization. Benefiting from comprehensive engagement with other countries, China has bolstered its contribution to globalization and the global governance system with its own robust economic growth, more active participation in such key mechanisms as the Group of Twenty (G20), and a “China model” that provides valuable lessons for other nations on their social and economic development. Now that the global governance system is under serious challenge due to sudden withdrawal of many of the United States’ global commitments by the Trump administration, China is in a good position to shoulder more responsibilities while fostering a new type of major-power relationship with the United States.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sony Iriawan

<p>Asia-Pacific as the "pivot" of the 21st century area, related to the various issues that became the main agenda when discussing the development of international politics today. The dynamics of major-power relations as the complexity of the USA-China relations has effect significantly to the regional order in Asia Pacific. The urgency of reshaping the regional order in Asia Pacific is when China as an emerging power presenting a threat towards US hegemony existence in the region. The dynamics of major-power relations have indirectly created perceptions of the strengthening of China's influence in the regional level, which leads to the centralistic weakening of US leadership in Asia-Pacific. Simultaneously, the creation of peace and the stability of regional security also demands the re-establishment of an Asia-Pacific regional order that can accommodate the possibility of a truly transitional US power over China.</p><p><strong>Keyword: </strong>major-power relation, world order, Asia-Pacific, United States of America, the rise of China</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 6-33
Author(s):  
R. Neuwirth

In the global arena, the cooperation between the BRICS countries – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – covers around 42% of the world’s population and some of the world’s most dynamic emerging economies. Initially, the BRICS cooperation was suggested as an idea, and it was later welcomed as a new addition to the global governance debate about the future. The BRICS countries have already held ten consecutive summits of heads of state plus a large number of meetings at the ministerial level. The cooperation describes itself as a “cooperation and dialogue” platform, but it has nonetheless signed a number of binding treaties and, notably, established the New Development Bank (NDB) as a permanent institution headquartered in Shanghai (China).The cooperation has also met with resistance, criticism and problems caused by the overall complexity of global affairs in a rapidly changing world. The diversity and remote locations of the BRICS countries have also been thought of as an obstacle to their successful cooperation and their ability to play an active part in global governance in the twentyfirst century. The main challenge thus lies in their ability to overcome their differences and to make a difference in designing the future global political and economic world order. Against the backdrop of the global governance debate, the present paper therefore asks whether the BRICS cooperation constitutes a novel model of regionalism with multilateral aspirations, and what role law and, notably, the “rule of law” can play in this important task. The paper includes a discussion of the extent to which the BRICS cooperation needs to be upgraded in legal and institutional terms, and possibly to proceed from cooperation via consolidation to the codification of its most important sources of global law.


Author(s):  
M. V. Bratersky ◽  
G. I. Kutyrev

The article analyzes Russia’s policy from the point of view of goals formulated by the government in response to challenges in international politics, economics and security, as well as challenges associated with the threat of losing the status of a great power, maintaining territorial integrity and independence. Russia’s dissatisfaction with the existing order of things – when its interests were not taken into account, and the West did not set any limits for itself, advancing its geopolitical interests –had been growing for a long time, however, most clearly manifested itself in the landmark 2014 when Western sanctions after the Crimean events pushed the Russian authorities and business to more active in the Asia-Pacific.The authors formulate a number of signs of the new regional order of the Asia-Pacific countries, which may develop into a new international (global) order. This type of system, according to the authors, will be more competitive and less hierarchical, within its framework there will not be a single dominant force or ideology, it will be based on a multitude of centers of power. Such a world order is more attractive for Russia than the unipolar Atlantic order. It will give the country the opportunity to use its own comparative advantages, such as territory, resources, hard power, a fairly rigid political organization and the ability to mobilize resources for strategic purposes. Nevertheless, it is important to understand that the modern non-Western world is still very amorphous, its future contours are blurred, and Asian business is still weakly responding to the Russian “turn to the East”.


2010 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice D. Ba

This paper considers ASEAN's value added and limitations as regards its ability to play a meaningful and practical security role in East Asia and the Asia Pacific. It argues that ASEAN's contributions to regional security and within ASEAN-plus arrangements are not uniform. Instead, they vary depending on the relationship and the arrangement. This paper gives particular attention to two sets of relations: 1) ASEAN's relations with major powers; and 2) major power relations with one another. It argues that the latter has proven most challenging in terms of both practical changes to the regional security environment and growing questions about the appropriateness and capacity of ASEAN to “lead” institutional arrangements, but that such challenges may also vary depending on which major power relationship or regional institution is in question. It further argues that ASEAN's challenges are also conditioned by security contributions that are often understated, though dissatisfactions from both inside and outside the organization are likely to remain persistent challenges to ASEAN ability to defend its current role.


Author(s):  
HORIMOTO TAKENORI

The Indo-Pacific region is said to be the center of the 21st century, unlike the Asia-Pacific in the 20th century. In the region, China is emerging rapidly in terms of economic strength, defense capability, and international presence. The US and other concerned countries are striving to cope with the new development. It looks that the US manages to somehow retain its Pax Americana as in the latter half of the last century. China which dreams to head for Pax Sinica has been implementing various measures including removing unfavorable circumstances to promote its dream. At the moment, it is hard to make prompt predictions on how these two Pax would be going. The key question would be ways to deal with China. Typical policies now under implementation are engaging policy represented by the RCEP and balancing policy by the Quad. These two policies have a timeline of short-term policy and middle-term policy. Perhaps, contents of the policies would be finalized depending upon China’s economic development as one of the major factors. To bring about peace and stability of the region, in tandem with them, it might be necessary to bring about a regional order of the Indo-Pacific where it has been lacking. The close relations of Japan and India could be utilized for such a purpose also. Although COVID-19 is afflicting the whole region, it is hoped that the pandemic could be overcome by vaccines and other measures in the near future. It is the right time now to ponder over the future direction of the Indo-Pacific region before it is too late.


Author(s):  
Daniel Krahl

The Paris Agreement has turned traditional approaches to global governance upside down, using a bottom-up approach that made it possible for emerging powers like China to agree to binding emissions targets to contain climate change. It thus marks a further step away from the old order centered on Western power, and at the same time it fits well into Chinese attempts to create a post-American order that rests on great power diplomacy within a multilateral framework of cooperation that privileges developing countries. The Paris Agreement allows China to leverage the internal fight against pollution and the restructuring and upgrading of its economy for international status. That the agreement has so far survived President Trump’s announcement of America’s departure suggests that it could yet serve as a blueprint for other, future arrangements for world order that would be able to integrate a risen China.


Author(s):  
Gisela Hirschmann

How can international organizations (IOs) like the United Nations (UN) and their implementing partners be held accountable if their actions and policies violate fundamental human rights? Political scientists and legal scholars have shed a much-needed light on the limits of traditional accountability when it comes to complex global governance. However, conventional studies on IO accountability fail to systematically analyze a related, puzzling empirical trend: human rights violations that occur in the context of global governance do not go unnoticed altogether; they are investigated and sanctioned by independent third parties. This book puts forward the concept of pluralist accountability, whereby third parties hold IOs and their implementing partners accountable for human rights violations. We can expect pluralist accountability to evolve if a competitive environment stimulates third parties to enact accountability and if the implementing actors are vulnerable to human rights demands. Based on a comprehensive study of UN-mandated operations in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Kosovo, the European Union Troika’s austerity policy, and global public–private health partnerships in India, this book demonstrates how competition and human rights vulnerability shape the evolution of pluralist accountability in response to diverse human rights violations, such as human trafficking, the violation of the rights of detainees, economic rights, and the right to consent in clinical trials. While highlighting the importance of studying alternative accountability mechanisms, this book also argues that pluralist accountability should not be regarded as a panacea for IOs’ legitimacy problems, as it is often less legalized and might cause multiple accountability disorder.


In this chapter, Haq outlines his optimistic outlook for global world order. For him the end of the Cold War had opened up many more choices for the global community. For the first time global military spending was seen to be declining every year. He saw potential to reallocate ODA aid funds, which were previously tilted in favour of cold war allies. For Haq the challenge is to link economic growth as the means to human development as an objective. He stresses on the need to reform institutions of global governance to translate globalization into opportunities for people.


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