Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Adam Kocher ◽  
Adria K. Lawrence ◽  
Nuno P. Monteiro

Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Antić

This article explores how ‘European civilization’ was imagined on the margins of Europe in the first half of the twentieth century, and how Balkan intellectuals saw their own societies’ place in it in the context of interwar crises and World War II occupation. It traces the interwar development and wartime transformation of the intellectual debates regarding the modernization of Serbia/Yugoslavia, the role of the Balkans in the broader European culture, and the most appropriate path to becoming a member of the ‘European family of nations’. In the first half of the article, I focus on the interwar Serbian intelligentsia, and their discussions of various forms of international cultural, political and civilizational links and settings. These discussions centrally addressed the issue of Yugoslavia’s (and Serbia’s) ‘Europeanness’ and cultural identity in the context of the East–West symbolic and the state’s complex cultural-historical legacies. Such debates demonstrated how frustrating the goal of Westernization and Europeanization turned out to be for Serbian intellectuals. After exploring the conundrums and seemingly insoluble contradictions of interwar modernization/Europeanization discussions, the article then goes on to analyse the dramatic changes in such intellectual outlooks after 1941, asking how Europe and European cultural/political integration were imagined in occupied Serbia, and whether the realities of the occupation could accommodate these earlier debates. Serbia can provide an excellent case study for exploring how the brutal Nazi occupation policies affected collaborationist governments, and how the latter tried to make sense of their troubled inclusion in the racial ideology of the New European Order under the German leadership. Was Germany’s propaganda regarding European camaraderie taken seriously by any of the local actors? What did the Third Reich’s dubious internationalism mean in the east and south-east of Europe, and did it have anything to offer to the intelligentsia as well as the population at large?


Author(s):  
Andrea Mariuzzo

The struggle in projects, ideas and symbols between the strongest Communist Party in the West and an anti-Communist and pro-Western government coalition was the most peculiar founding element of the Italian democratic political system after World War II. Until now, most historians have focused their attention on political parties as the only players in the competition for the making of political orientations and civic identities in Italian public opinion. Others have considered Italian political struggle in the 1940s and 1950s in terms of the polarisation between Communism and organized Catholicism, due to the undoubted importance of the Church in Italian culture and social relations. This book enlarges the view, looking at new aspects and players of the anti-Communist ‘front’. It takes into account the role of cultural associations, newspapers and the popular press in the selection and diffusion of critical judgements and images of Communism, highlighting a dimension that explains the force of anti-communist opinions in Italy after 1989 and the crisis of traditional parties. The author also places the case of Italian Cold War anti-Communism in an international context for the first time.


Author(s):  
Dayna L. Barnes

The Allied occupation of Japan is remembered as the “good occupation.” An American-led coalition successfully turned a militaristic enemy into a stable and democratic ally. Of course, the story was more complicated, but the occupation did forge one of the most enduring relationships in the postwar world. Recent events, from the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan to protests over American bases in Japan to increasingly aggressive territorial disputes between Asian nations over islands in the Pacific, have brought attention back to the subject of the occupation of Japan. This book exposes the wartime origins of occupation policy and broader plans for postwar Japan. It considers the role of presidents, bureaucrats, think tanks, the media, and Congress in policymaking. Members of these elite groups came together in an informal policy network that shaped planning. Rather than relying solely on government reports and records to understand policymaking, the book also uses letters, memoirs, diaries, and manuscripts written by policymakers to trace the rise and spread of ideas across the policy network. The book contributes a new facet to the substantial literature on the occupation, serves as a case study in foreign policy analysis, and tells a surprising new story about World War II.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-75
Author(s):  
Nicolas de Zamaróczy ◽  
Upasana Mahanta

AbstractInternational Relations (IR) scholars, particularly those working in the rationalist tradition, argue that costly signalling is one of the main tools that policymakers have to resolve interstate bargaining disputes and, ultimately, to minimize the occurrence of war. Recent rationalist work has greatly advanced our understanding of how costly signalling works in global politics, particularly by unpacking how militarized escalations can signal potential antagonists (e.g. Slantchev 2011). But the current literature is too hasty in dismissing the importance of non-militarized signalling during international crises, particularly for leaders worried about the risk of accidental wars. This paper presents mandatory evacuations (MEs) as a form of non-militarized escalation that states have been increasingly using since World War II to credibly signal their opponents. We illustrate our claims with a case study of China’s preparations for the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War, when it ordered a massive evacuation along its northern border as a costly signal towards the Soviets.


Geografie ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 123 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miloslav Šerý ◽  
Veronika Klementová

The article is focused on the phenomenon of regional identity and its relationship with processes of socio-historical development. The objective is to compare the regional identities of the inhabitants of two typologically specific regions located in Czechia. These regions’ specific characteristics are defined by dramatic interruptions in their development that occurred during the twentieth century. The existing regional identity of the inhabitants was assessed with regard to the role of the regions based on four principles used in the process of identity construction. Primary empirical data was obtained via questionnaire and subjected to further comparative analysis. In its conclusion, the article notes that the regional identities of the inhabitants of regions that experienced a discontinuity in their socio-historical development can vary considerably. In our conclusions, we augment the existing knowledge concerning the forms that the regional identities of inhabitants can take in regions with interrupted continuity in their development.


Author(s):  
A. Lobovikov-Katz

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Restoration of the ensemble of parks, palaces and fountains of Peterhof (Petrodvorets) near St. Petersburg (Leningrad), Russia, is one of world-renowned restoration projects of the post - World War II period. However, little has been analysed of this unique restoration experience. This paper presents a specific episode in the history of this restoration project.</p><p>The Peterhof ensemble is a complex historic site which includes many palaces, structures and fountains covering 18 square km of parks and gardens. The Grand Palace, - the central and the largest building of this ensemble, was built at the edge of a natural terrace, with a view to the sea (the Gulf of Finland) and the Lower Park at the foot of the terrace. This dominant spatial-architectural role of the Grand Palace was emphasized by its highest elements – two cupolas of its eastern and western parts. The cupolas were heavily damaged during World War II and shape reconstruction had to be undertaken for their restoration. The restoration of cupolas was one of the first and important steps in the restoration of the Peterhof ensemble.</p><p>This paper focuses on the approach, methodology and the selected technological aspects of the restoration of cupolas of the Grand Palace, with a view to their interpretation at the time of restoration of cupolas (1950-s) as well as to modern restoration principles. It shows the process and methods of non-digital reconstruction of the shape of 3D object aided by non-digital models, unique decisions and techniques.</p>


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Károly Pintér

In my essay, a case study of civil religion, I propose to examine both the history and evolution of the Pledge of Allegiance and the ultimate decision of the Supreme Court in terms of its constitutionality, as well as the remarkable dissents, using the famous notion of Robert N. Bellah. The Pledge case reveals the controversial legal as well as public attitudes towards the role of religion in American public life, especially the growing gulf between the predominantly separationist interpretation of the Establishment Clause by the Court since World War II, on the one hand, and the continuing strong role of religion in American public life, on the other.


Author(s):  
Jared Shawcross

The Nazi occupation of Europe saw the emergence of various forms of resistance with varying degrees of success across the continent over the course of World War II. These acts of resistance have gone on to be immortalized in cinema starting as early as the 1950s and 60s. This paper analyses Joram Lürsen’s 2018 film The Resistance Banker as a case study for how cinematic representations of Resistance have evolved over the 70 years since the end of World War II.


2020 ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
Ivan Kovalchuk

The article deals with the issue of two totalitarian ideologies formation namely Communist and Nationalist in Ukraine. The emergence of these ideological doctrines in the Ukrainian lands occurred almost simultaneously, but their outreach across the population was accompanied by various factors and spread under different circumstances. The Communist doctrine suppoters seized and established themselves in power, and the nationalists tried to deprive them of power by means of the revolution. Starting from their formation it was determined the suppoters of these ideologies were in open confrontation and even used images of each other as a method of their own propaganda. This «propaganda and agitation war» between the Communists and Ukrainian nationalists took place during the 1920s and 1930s, long before the outbreak of World War II. The fighting between Soviet underground forces and partisans and Ukrainian nationalists is studied through the example of the Zhytomyr region territory during the Nazi occupation, involving a wide source base. As it is mentioned above, this fighting is know as a continuation and direct implementation of the previous propaganda and agitation war. Specific people, suppoters of hostile ideological and cultural positions moved and acted on predetermined by other trajectories. This circumstance attests the actual lack of personal choice of the people who has occured in that situation. The whole palette of interpersonal relationships was once again reduced to the paradigm of «persona–strange», though often before, living in the same settlement or working together in the same institution, the «enemies» did not consider each other to be so. It is found out that the fighting between Ukrainian nationalists and Soviet underground forces and partisans has caused additional suffering and losses to the Ukrainian people and has been beneficial to the Nazi occupation regime in the first place, since it weakened both sides. Taking into the consideration the state ideology, Ukrainians undoubtedly had the natural right to fight for their own state. Based solely on the humanist standpoint, both sides should take the blame for the violence in this confrontation.


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