X. Growing Tension and the Threat of War in the Southern Caspian Sea: The Unsettled Division Dispute and Regional Rivalry

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-591
Author(s):  
Hooman Peimani

AbstractThe absence of an acceptable legal regime for the division of the Caspian Sea among its five littoral states has created grounds for conflicts, crises, and wars in the Caspian region, a situation worsened since 2001 when Iran, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan found each other on a collision course over the ownership of certain offshore oilfields. The region has since been heading towards militarization, while the persistence of conflicts over the Caspian Sea's division has prepared the ground for military conflicts. Fear of lagging behind in an arms and the manipulation of conflicts by the United States and Turkey have further encouraged militarization. Against this background, certain factors, including Turkey's efforts to deny Iran political and economic gains in the Caspian region, the growing American military presence in Eurasia, and the expanding American-Azeri military ties since 11 September 2001 will likely contribute to the creation of a suitable ground for a military conflict in the Caspian region.

Author(s):  
V.V. Pushkareva

The Caspian region appears in international political terms with the USSR collapse. It includes five littoral countries - Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan, which are building cooperation with each other and with non-regional actors in the new geopolitical conditions. The formation of relations is influenced both by the common and diverse national interests of the Caspian states, and by the constant direct and indirect impact of external players: the United States, the European Union, China and Turkey. Each of them regards the Caspian region as the most important strategic space for political and economic control over Eurasia in accordance with their own interests. The interest of the world powers in strengthening their influence in the Caspian Sea is connected, firstly, with oil and gas reserves, and secondly, with the fact that the region is the center of Eurasia, where a transport transit corridor connecting Europe with various regions of Asia passes. The domestic and foreign political conditions of the Caspian region are not easy. The main problems of regional cooperation are the disunity of the region, the potential for the implementation of "color revolutions" against the background of socio-economic difficulties. The "domino effect" in development of the situation is quite real. There is no reliable mechanism to protect regional interests. The first steps to form multilateral cooperation have been taken on the basis of The Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea.


Author(s):  
Aygerim Yergalievna Ibrayeva ◽  
Raikhan Mukhamedzhanovna Tashtemkhanova

The Caspian Sea is the world’s largest inland body of water, with an area of 370 thousand km2 and which washes the territories of five neighboring states – Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan. In the Caspian region, the political, military-strategic and economic interests of not only these coastal countries, but also many others, including non-regional ones, are clearly traced. The Caspian region attracts both with its huge reserves of hydrocarbons and its opportunities for their transportation, as it is located at the junction of the regions of the Middle East, Europe, the CIS, South and East Asia. this makes it self-evident that such power centers as the eu, the united states, china, india and others are showing increased interest in the caspian region. their policies in the caucasus, central asia and the middle east have a direct or indirect impact on the caspian region as a whole, as well as on the problems of ensuring its security.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-78
Author(s):  
A. E. Astafyev ◽  
E. S. Bogdanov

In 2014–2015, nine enclosures built of stone slabs were excavated at Altynkazgan on the Mangyshlak Peninsula, Republic of Kazakhstan. Inside them, remains of offering ceremonies were found: vessels dug into the ground, altars made of limestone blocks, and pits for offerings. In one of these, we found a richly decorated bridle, in another, a belt set of inlaid golden plaques, and in the third, remains of a saddle (silver plates and other items). The entire assemblage has numerous parallels among the 5th and 6th century fi nds from the northern Black Sea area, North Caucasus, and the Volga basin. Ritual burial of a “golden” belt, a bridle, and a ceremonial saddle indicate an advanced cult that included offerings of prestigious belongings of a horseman. These rituals were introduced by Iranian-speaking nomads who had migrated to the eastern Caspian region during the Hunnic raids to Iran in the 5th century. At that time, owing to the regressive phase of the Caspian Sea, the semi-desert northern Caspian coast was connected with Mangyshlak by a land bridge. Our hypotheses are supported by both historical records and modern geomorphological studies of the Caspian Sea.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (04-1) ◽  
pp. 94-108
Author(s):  
Gadilya Kornoukhova ◽  
Marina Moseykina

The article analyzes the activities of the joint-stock shipping company «Caucasus and Mercury» in the Persian market, reveals its place in trade and economic operations in the Caspian region as a whole. The authors aim to find out the degree of effectiveness of public-private cooperation in the development of a separate transport company, «Caucasus and Mercury», as well as the nature of the impact of this partnership on the development of commercial shipping in the Caspian Sea. The authors analyzed the processes that took place in Russian government and private business circles in the field of merchant shipping in the Caspian Sea.


Zootaxa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4545 (3) ◽  
pp. 375 ◽  
Author(s):  
HAMED MOUSAVI-SABET ◽  
SABER VATANDOUST ◽  
MATTHIAS F. GEIGER ◽  
JÖRG FREYHOF

Paracobitis abrishamchiani, new species, is described from the southern Caspian Sea basin, where it is found in the Babol, Haraz, Siah, Tajan, Talar and Kashpal River drainages. It is distinguished from P. hircanica and P. atrakensis, the two other Paracobitis species known from the Caspian Sea basin, by having scales on the flank posterior to the dorsal-fin origin and from its congeners in the Middle East by the position of its dorsal-fin origin, having a roundish posterior narial opening, and a colour pattern consisting of many widely spaced brown spots and blotches. It is further characterized by six diagnostic nucleotide substitutions and a minimum K2P distance of 4.3% to P. persa and 4.6% to P. malapterura in the mtDNA COI barcode region. 


1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergei Vinogradov ◽  
Patricia Wouters

One of the most controversial contests over the allocation of shared natural resources is now being waged by four former Soviet Union republics (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan) and Iran over the riches of the Caspian Sea. The bilateral regime established by the former USSR and Iran governing the Caspian Sea, though technically still existing today, is inadequate to deal with the present-day complex issues of the use and allocation of natural resources. The situation is aggravated by unilateral claims of the states bordering the Sea. Although the coastal states are currently discussing how the regime of the Caspian Sea might be resolved, the issue is not yet settled and the positions of the parties remain divergent.


Author(s):  
Pavel Zolotarev

The article deals with issues related to the task of reducing the risks of escalation of a local military conflict to the level of a nuclear one. To find ways to solve this problem, three aspects are considered – doctrinal, concerning official views on the use of nuclear weapons; features of the means of delivery of tactical nuclear weapons; features of the storage of tactical nuclear ammunition; the influence of high-precision weapons. The main doctrinal provisions are considered for Russia, the United States and China. The conclusion is substantiated that it is expedient to consolidate in the doctrinal documents of nuclear states or in other forms of mutual obligations the provision that each state will develop new non-nuclear systems of armed struggle with a simultaneous reduction in the role of nuclear weapons in ensuring security. To reduce the risk of escalation of the conflict to a nuclear one, it is proposed to work out the issue of refusing to create and deploy delivery vehicles that allow their use for both conventional and nuclear strikes. Relevant proposals have been made regarding the deployment of short-range nuclear weapons carriers and storage sites for nuclear charges, aimed at minimizing the risk of the use of nuclear weapons. An assessment of the capabilities of high-precision weapons to disrupt strategic stability when trying to use them for decapitating or disarming strikes is carried out. The conclusion is made about the unreality of such scenarios. A comparative analysis of the risks of escalation of military conflicts to the nuclear level was carried out for the European and Asia-Pacific regions. Taking into account the achieved level of survivability of the Chinese nuclear potential and the prospects for its development, it is assumed that there is a higher risk of an escalation of a military conflict for the European theater. 


Author(s):  
V. M. Rodachin

The article is devoted to the military conflicts of the XXI century and the existing approaches to their understanding of the foreign and domestic scientific literature. The subject of research is the phenomenon and theory of “hybrid war”, which originated in the late 1990s — early 2000s, and are widely used in current conditions. The founders of the term, theoretical concept and military doctrinal foundations of “hybrid war” are American military experts. The article reveals the stages of formation of the theory of hybrid war, the existing militarytheoretical and political-ideological approaches to the characterisation of its essence. The author emphasised the unfounded nature of the accusations against the Russian Federation about the “annexation of Crimea”, the implementation of “hybrid aggression” in the South-East of Ukraine and other regions. Further, the author presented the analysis of real, not fictional signs of “hybrid war”. The author concluded that hybrid wars are a new instrument of aggression of the neo-Imperial Western powers against sovereign States as opposed to the hegemony of the United States in the crisis of the unipolar world order. The necessity of improving the system of national security of Russia taking into account the USA and NATO unleashing against our country “hybrid war” and its possible escalation is substantiated.


2021 ◽  
Vol 06 (02) ◽  
pp. 23-27
Author(s):  
Gulshan Zeynalova Gulshan Zeynalova

The Caspian Sea is the largest body of water in Eurasia: After the collapse of the USSR, the water area of this region is a zone of interest for many states. [1] The Caspian region rightfully serves as one of the most significant regions for most countries interested in the mineral resources that the Caspian is rich in. The Caspian Sea has a significant hydrocarbon reserves. According to the Energy Information Administration (EIA), hydrocarbon resources in the Caspian basin have the following values: oil - 48 billion barrels of oil, natural gas - 292 trillion. cubic feet (found and probable reserves), of which 75% and 67%, respectively, are produced or may be produced offshore. The northern part of the Caspian Sea contains most of the oil reserves, while the southern sector of the Caspian Sea is rich in natural gas.[2] It should be emphasized that the list of states that have the rights to use the resources of the Caspian Sea is as follows: Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan. It is impossible to correlate the importance of the oil and gas resources of the Caspian reservoir for each of the above countries, for the following reasons: Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan are countries for which the hydrocarbon potential of the Caspian is the most important predictor of the formation and development of the economy, while for Kazakhstan, the use of oil and gas resources of the Caspian Sea plays an important , but not the most decisive role, since oil and gas deposits in this country are not limited to the Caspian region, but its economy is developing in other directions. Iran and Russia, however, are interested in influencing the direction of flows of oil and gas raw materials, including their transit through the territory of the countries. [3] The last years for the Caspian region have become the years of a shift in the development of the oil and gas industry of the Caspian "five", which account for 17.6% of oil reserves and 46.4% of gas reserves in terms of global reserves. It is assumed that on the territory of the Caspian shelf, which belongs to Russia, oil reserves amount to 270 million tons, natural gas reserves - 0.5 trillion cubic meters. m of gas. [4] Of course, it is worth noting that the potential of the Russian sector of the Caspian Sea is significantly lower than the oil and gas potential of Yamal or Western Siberia, but the development of this region is important for the strategic development of the oil and gas sector, in particular offshore drilling.


2001 ◽  
pp. 101-108
Author(s):  
Andre Gunder Frank

A book with a foreword by Pat Clawson of the National Defense University and editor of ORBIS, and dedicated to Ronald Reagan and Target Ozxal, announces its U.S. far-right wing political pedigree literally up front. However the book is chock full of information, alas most already well known to anyone even remotely familiar with the problematique under review; but it also offers some incisive analysis. The twelve contributed chapters by fourteen authors and coauthors are divided into three parts dedicated to examining and analyzing the general history and mutual background of the Caspian Sea region; to the ?ve littoral states of Azerbaijan, Russia, Iran, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan; and to three ‘external’ interested states, the United States, Turkey, and Georgia. Nonetheless, the review by each author goes well beyond the nominative boundaries assigned to him or her and trespasses over into the topics, territories and their relations assigned to other authors. Quite prop-erly so, in view of the mutually complex real-life interrelations in the Caspian Sea Basin, so that no topic or state could be adequately understood in itself other than in relation to the others. Indeed, we are witnessing the contemporary continuation of the nineteenth century “Great Game” for the control of Central Eurasia. However, the oil connection also reaches well beyond Caspian Sea and must make this book pertinent also to readers of this journal.


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