Shin Buddhism And Gender: The Discourse On Gender Discrimination And Related Reforms

Author(s):  
Simone Heidegger
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 133-183
Author(s):  
Simone Heidegger

In the two main branches of Jōdo Shinshū (or Shin Buddhism), the Ōtani-ha and the Honganji-ha, a movement toward gender equality emerged in the 1980s. This movement and its development have brought about internal discussions on discrimination against women and an increasing awareness of gender issues, as well as concrete reforms of institutional laws. In the Ōtani-ha, a ruling that explicitly excluded women from becoming temple chief priests (jūshoku) led to protests and petitions by the association of chief priests’ wives and resulted in the establishment of the “Women’s Association to Consider Gender Discrimination in the Ōtani-ha.” Although the Honganji-ha has formally accepted female chief priests since 1946, the definition of the role of the bōmori (lit. temple guardian) as the temple chief priest’s wife suggested hierarchical gender roles, which also stimulated demands for reforms. This article shows the forms of gender discrimination which have been the focus of debates and discussions. Here, I present the reforms and changes that have been achieved over the past few decades and examine the reasons and influences that were instrumental during this process. In this context, I analyze the arguments used by both the reform-oriented and the conservative sides of the issue, and I also explore the relationship of this gender discrimination discourse to earlier Shin Buddhist social developments, such as internal reform movements and efforts to combat discrimination against burakumin.


2021 ◽  
pp. 097168582110159
Author(s):  
Sital Mohanty ◽  
Subhasis Sahoo ◽  
Pranay Kumar Swain

Science, technology and human values have been the subject of enquiry in the last few years for social scientists and eventually the relationship between science and gender is the subject of an ongoing debate. This is due to the event of globalization which led to the exponential growth of new technologies like assisted reproductive technology (ART). ART, one of the most iconic technological innovations of the twentieth century, has become increasingly a normal social fact of life. Since ART invades multiple human discourses—thereby transforming culture, society and politics—it is important what is sociological about ART as well as what is biological. This article argues in commendation of sociology of technology, which is alert to its democratic potential but does not concurrently conceal the historical and continuing role of technology in legitimizing gender discrimination. The article draws the empirical insights from local articulations (i.e., Odisha state in eastern India) for the understandings of motherhood, freedom and choice, reproductive right and rights over the body to which ART has contributed. Sociologically, the article has been supplemented within the broader perspectives of determinism, compatibilism alongside feminism.


10.1068/a3781 ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda McDowell ◽  
Diane Perrons ◽  
Colette Fagan ◽  
Kath Ray ◽  
Kevin Ward

In this paper we examine the relationships between class and gender in the context of current debates about economic change in Greater London. It is a common contention of the global city thesis that new patterns of inequality and class polarisation are apparent as the expansion of high-status employment brings in its wake rising employment in low-status, poorly paid ‘servicing’ occupations. Whereas urban theorists tend to ignore gender divisions, feminist scholars have argued that new class and income inequalities are opening up between women as growing numbers of highly credentialised women enter full-time, permanent employment and others are restricted to casualised, low-paid work. However, it is also argued that working women's interests coincide because of their continued responsibility for domestic obligations and still-evident gender discrimination in the labour market. In this paper we counterpose these debates, assessing the consequences for income inequality, for patterns of childcare and for work–life balance policies of rising rates of labour-market participation among women in Greater London. We conclude by outlining a new research agenda.


2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 91-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colm O'cinneide

The imposition since 1998 of a variety of positive equality duties upon public authorities has attracted comparatively little academic attention. However, these duties are a central part of current government equality initiatives, increasingly constitute a major part of the work of the UK's equality commissions, and have been described as an essential part of a new ‘fourth generation’ of equality legislation. It now appears likely that a positive duty to promote gender equality will soon be imposed upon public authorities, which will complement similar race and disability duties. Will the introduction of this positive gender equality duty add to, detract or complement existing statutory provisions? Given the danger that ‘soft law’ initiatives may undermine existing anti-discrimination controls, will the duty provide a clear steer to public authorities, or will it lack teeth, substance and direction, and possibly even prove counter-productive? Such positive duties are designed to compensate for the limitations of existing anti-discrimination law, by requiring the taking of positive steps to promote equality and eliminate discrimination, rather than just compelling a reactive compliance with the letter of the (equality) law. The justifications in principle for the introduction of such duties are strong: for the first time, the introduction of a positive gender duty will impose a clear legislative obligation upon public authorities to adopt a substantive equality approach and to take proactive action to redress patterns of disadvantage linked to gender discrimination. Serious concerns do however exist as to the extent to which such duties can be enforced, and the danger that they will simply encourage greater bureaucratic activity at the expense of real change. The proposed gender duty, as with the other duties that have been introduced, is no panacea. Nevertheless, it does constitute a good start, can serve a useful function by empowering public authorities to take positive action, and if effectively used will be a very valuable point of pressure to push for better things.


2015 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Dennis A.V. Dittrich ◽  
Susanne Büchner ◽  
Micaela M. Kulesz

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document