Australia’s engagement with China: From fear to greed and back again

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Bisley

This paper examines how Australia has managed its relationship with China. It looks at the broad trends in the relationship, with a focus on the decades after recognition in 1972. The second part examines the recent past, and particularly the ways in which Australia’s active courtship of China has begun to be tempered by concerns about the destabilizing security and strategic consequences of the country’s return to power. It assesses the options Australia faces and the growing polarization of opinion between security “hawks” and economic “doves” in public debate about Australia’s future, and then charts where Australian policy is currently placed. The paper concludes by explaining why Australia finds taking a nuanced position in relation to its engagement with China so difficult.

2021 ◽  
pp. 109442812199190
Author(s):  
Mikko Rönkkö ◽  
Eero Aalto ◽  
Henni Tenhunen ◽  
Miguel I. Aguirre-Urreta

Transforming variables before analysis or applying a transformation as a part of a generalized linear model are common practices in organizational research. Several methodological articles addressing the topic, either directly or indirectly, have been published in the recent past. In this article, we point out a few misconceptions about transformations and propose a set of eight simple guidelines for addressing them. Our main argument is that transformations should not be chosen based on the nature or distribution of the individual variables but based on the functional form of the relationship between two or more variables that is expected from theory or discovered empirically. Building on a systematic review of six leading management journals, we point to several ways the specification and interpretation of nonlinear models can be improved.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Ghulam Safdar ◽  
Ghulam Shabir ◽  
Abdul Wajid Khan

This research paper attempts to evaluate the consumer rights and their violation by electronic media through advertisement. This is misguiding the consumer to buy harmful and unnecessary products. This research also aims at interpolating and ascertaining the onus of responsibility of a responsible media with regards to advertising. In the recent past the principle of "Caveat Emptor" which meant "Buyers beware" governed the relationship between a seller and buyer. In the era of open markets the buyer and seller came face to face, seller exhibited his goods, and buyer thoroughly examined them and then purchased them. The assumption would be consumer would use all his care and skill while entering into a transaction. The buyer to examine the goods beforehand and most of the transactions are now concluded by correspondence. Discussion on consumer's rights and their violation by media through advertisements is suggestive that consumers today enjoy a good amount of legal protection. But, even today, a large number of us remain exploited.


Author(s):  
Kathryn Fewster

This chapter explores the respective histories of both ethnoarchaeology and archaeologies of the contemporary past. On the surface the two subdisciplines appear to have much in common-they are both involved in studies of societies of the present and of the recent past. However, the methodologies that each employ in this goal, as a result of specific historical choices that practitioners of each subdiscipline made, are very different. Practitioners of archaeologies of the contemporary past generally use an archaeological methodology that was developed out of American ethnoarchaeology in the 1980s, while post-processual ethnoarchaeology in Britain undertook a major overhaul of these ideas. It is argued that archaeologies of the contemporary past could gain as much from an understanding of more recent developments in ethnoarchaeology with regard to methodology and ethics of representation, as they have from processual ethnoarchaeology.


Author(s):  
Stephen Farrall ◽  
Susanne Karstedt

This chapter uses the core concepts of institutional anomie theory, one of the most exciting theoretical developments in criminology of the recent past, to explain why people commit crimes in the marketplace. This theory in particular models neo-liberal changes to markets that affect the relationship between state and markets, consumption patterns, and citizenship. Modelling relies on structural equations and explores these processes and their impact on the three regions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 016224392096494
Author(s):  
Elsa Faugère ◽  
Dorothée Dussy

Over the last few years, the amount of space occupied by bees in the French public debate together with the well-known benefits of the products of their hive has attracted the interest of social scientists. Indeed, bees have become a symbol of the biodiversity crisis. Social scientists, like us, are sometimes invited to join multidisciplinary projects run by biologists specializing in bees. The aim of such involvement is to help the biologists to convince professional beekeepers to make their practices greener, notably with respect to their handling of the Varroa mite. However, the beekeepers we studied in the south of France are not keen to give up their conventional practices. Based on chemical products, these are efficient, simple, and cheap as opposed to environmentally friendly, chemical-free techniques (scraping or removal of the brood), which are seen to be riskier and more complicated to implement. This article describes and analyzes these obstacles and the relationship to scientific and nonscientific knowledge they reveal.


1974 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irwin M. Wall

The failure of the Popular Front government of 1936–1937 was at least two-fold: from the national standpoint it was able neither to formulate a foreign policy of anti-fascism nor to bring France out of the economic crisis; from the narrower political perspective it was unable to prevent a growing sense of disillusionment and recrimination among its constituents. Both aspects have received increasing attention from historians in recent years, although not always with sufficient regard for the extent to which the two problems might be separable. Greater intervention on behalf of the Spanish Republicans, for example, might not have saved the Spanish Republic, but even so would have gone far toward satisfying Blum's constituents and blunting communist criticism of his government. Abandonment of the forty-hour week, on the other hand, while adding to the deceptions of the left, might have permitted the achievement of the economic upturn upon which the hopes of the Popular Front ultimately rested. Spain and finances – war and economics, the twin chief concerns of western civilization in our century as A. J. P. Taylor has facetiously suggested – are the issues in terms of which most analysts of Blum's double failure have proceeded. But there is another which may have been equally important, and which appears to have been of greater significance in the eyes of contemporaries. This was the question of the relationship of the Blum government and the French administration. The increasingly blurred distinction between politics and administration characteristic of contemporary Gaullism, as well as the rigidity and resistance to innovation typical of the crisis-prone French bureaucratic style, suggest in any case a re-evaluation of the recent past in terms what Michel Crozier has aptly called “the bureaucratic phenomenon”.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Weaver ◽  
Lindsey Bradley

AbstractSince the late 1990s, Sacha Baron Cohen’s characters have raised controversy, criticism and protest from various groups (for example, from Black activists in 2002 and Hasidic Jews in 2012). The comedy has also been described as satirical or anti-racist. Baron Cohen, as either Ali G, Borat, Bruno, or General Aladeen, has consistently provided comedy that leads to public debate on the relationship between comedy and race, ethnicity and stereotype, and the nature of racism and “othering” in comedy. Despite this tendency, very little research has been conducted on how audiences receive the comedy. We present results from a recent focus group, audience reception study of the comedy of Baron Cohen, which recorded discourse from young people aged 18–29 years (n 49). The article examines the perceptions of Islamophobia or anti-Muslim racism in the comedy, focusing on


Pathogens ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 1222
Author(s):  
Arnab Sarkar ◽  
Alok Kumar Chakrabarti ◽  
Shanta Dutta

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is considered as the most dreaded disease that has spread all over the world in the recent past. Despite its outbreak in December 2019–January 2020, a few continents and countries such as India started to experience a significant number of COVID-19-positive cases from March 2020. GISAID clade variation analysis in the period March 2020–February 2021 (period I) and March 2021–first week of April 2021 (period II) showed a rapid variation of SARS-CoV-2 in all continents and India over time. Studying the relationship of patient age or gender with viral clades in these two periods revealed that the population under 10 years of age was the least affected, whereas the 11–60-year-old population was the most affected, irrespective of patient gender and ethnicity. In the first wave, India registered quite a low number of COVID-19-positive cases/million people, but the scenario unexpectedly changed in the second wave, when even over 400,000 confirmed cases/day were reported. Lineage analysis in India showed the emergence of new SARS-CoV-2 variants, i.e., B.1.617.1 and B.1.617.2, during April–May 2021, which might be one of the key reasons for the sudden upsurge of confirmed cases/day. Furthermore, the emergence of the new variants contributed to the shift in infection spread by the G clade of SARS-CoV-2 from 46% in period II to 82.34% by the end of May 2021. Along with the management of the emergence of new variants, few factors viz., lockdown and vaccination were also accountable for controlling the upsurge of new COVID-19 cases throughout the country. Collectively, a comparative analysis of the scenario of the first wave with that of the second wave would suggest policymakers the way to prepare for better management of COVID-19 recurrence or its severity in India and other countries.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor

Esta colaboración se aproxima al proceso de municipalización del gobierno local indígena y a la otra cara del mismo proceso: la indianización del gobierno municipal, en América Latina. En las últimas tres décadas el municipio se ha reformado, en un marco más amplio de reforma del Estado, para ajustarse al nuevo contexto neoliberal A este proceso se le ha llamado «neomunicipalismo». Para diversos pueblos indígenas, el «neomunicipalismo» se percibe como un riesgo, pero también como una oportunidad. En el pasado reciente, el gobierno indígena fue visto desde el poder del Estado como «remanentes» en vías de disolución. Hoy día, el Estado multicultural acepta como válidas esas instituciones, siempre y cuando se inscriban en la lógica de la organización del Estado. Requisito que diversas organizaciones perciben como un riesgo, aunque otras lo ven como una oportunidad para avanzar en el proceso de empoderamiento indígena. El dilema entre resistencia y no aceptación de la institucionalidad del Estado, y el acceso a las mismas, en un horizonte de apropiación, es una vieja historia en la relación pueblos indígenas y municipio. Cuando hay aceptación —siempre limitada— se producen procesos de «municipalización» del gobierno indígena. En esta colaboración sistematizo tres momentos de municipalización del gobierno indígena en América Latina: cabildo indígena colonial, ayuntamiento gaditano, neomunicipalismo.   SUMMARYThis collaboration is approaching the municipalization process of local government and indigenous on the other side of the same process: the indianization of the municipal government, in Latin America In the last three decades, in a broad framework for reform of the State, the municipality has been refurbished, in a broader framework for reform of the State to comply with the new neoliberal context. The «neomunicipalismo», is a risk and an opportunity for these peoples. In the recent past, the institutions the indigenous government, was seen as «residual» in the process of dissolution. Today, the multicultural State accepts as valid those institutions, always and when entered in the logic of the organization of the State. Requirement that various organizations perceive as a risk; but other see it as an opportunity to make progress in the process of empowering indigenous. The dilemma between resistance and non-acceptance of the institutional framework of the State, and access to the same, in a horizon of appropriation, is an old story in the relationship indigenous peoples and municipality. In this collaboration systematized three stages of municipalization of the indigenous governance: the cabildo indigenous colonial; the cádiz city hall andthe neomunicipalismo.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Staffan Andersson ◽  
Tigran Babajan

Prior research on corruption highlights the importance of considering ordinary citizens’ views of corruption in politics and public administration. A key reason for this is that these views appear to have a significant impact on people’s confidence in public institutions. Moreover, to get a better understanding of corruption in “least corrupt” democracies with functioning market economy, it is important not only to include bribery, but also other types of corruption. In this article we use country representative data from Survey 2012 of such a case, Sweden, to better understand the variation of corruption across levels of government and how respondents’ own experiences of corruption relate to their perceptions of corruption. Cross-country studies portray Sweden as one of the least corrupt. However, Swedes tend to see corruption as present in public administration and in the recent past Sweden has experienced several corruption scandals. Our results show, in line with previous studies, that corruption is perceived as more common in subnational government than state government. In addition, when asked about their own experience of corruption (or the experience of someone they know) we show this to vary depending on what type of corruption situation it concerns: More respondents have experience of nepotism than bribery. Another major finding of the present article concerns the relationship between respondents’ experience of corruption and their perception of how much corruption there is in government. In particular, perceptions of extensive corruption are more likely among those with own experience of corruption. Given the potential impact of corruption views on support for the democratic system, this link between citizens’ experience of corruption and perception of its prevalence merits further research.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document