scholarly journals Brexit and the Everyday Politics of Emotion: Methodological Lessons from History

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 837-856
Author(s):  
Jonathan Moss ◽  
Emily Robinson ◽  
Jake Watts

The 2016 European Union referendum campaign has been depicted as a battle between ‘heads’ and ‘hearts’, reason and emotion. Voters’ propensity to trust their feelings over expert knowledge has sparked debate about the future of democratic politics in what is increasingly believed to be an ‘age of emotion’. In this article, we argue that we can learn from the ways that historians have approached the study of emotions and everyday politics to help us make sense of this present moment. Drawing on William Reddy’s concept of ‘emotional regimes’, we analyse the position of emotion in qualitative, ‘everyday narratives’ about the 2016 European Union referendum. Using new evidence from the Mass Observation Archive, we argue that while reason and emotion are inextricable facets of political decision-making, citizens themselves understand the two processes as distinct and competing.

Author(s):  
Pascal D. König ◽  
Georg Wenzelburger

AbstractThe promise of algorithmic decision-making (ADM) lies in its capacity to support or replace human decision-making based on a superior ability to solve specific cognitive tasks. Applications have found their way into various domains of decision-making—and even find appeal in the realm of politics. Against the backdrop of widespread dissatisfaction with politicians in established democracies, there are even calls for replacing politicians with machines. Our discipline has hitherto remained surprisingly silent on these issues. The present article argues that it is important to have a clear grasp of when and how ADM is compatible with political decision-making. While algorithms may help decision-makers in the evidence-based selection of policy instruments to achieve pre-defined goals, bringing ADM to the heart of politics, where the guiding goals are set, is dangerous. Democratic politics, we argue, involves a kind of learning that is incompatible with the learning and optimization performed by algorithmic systems.


Author(s):  
Milda Radzevičiūtė ◽  
Jurgita Mačiulytė

This article analyzes the share of Lithuanian women in political decision-making. The article discusses the importance of gender balance in politics, the relevance of the topic, the stereotypes of women politicians prevailing in the society and analyzes the situation of Lithuanian politicians in the general context of the European Union states. This study focuses on the change in the proportion of women in the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania during the last three terms of office (2008–2019 period) and the change in the share of women in Lithuanian municipal councils (period 2011–2019). The survey is based on data from the Lithuanian Central Electoral Commission, the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania and the European Institute for Gender Equality. One of the objectives of the European Union is the balance of gender equality in political power. Lithuania‘s situation on this issue in the European Union is rather moderate. In most of the areas of political decision-making that are important to the state, Lithuania is behind the EU average. Although progress in gender equality is generally observed in Europe, there are no more noticeable changes in Lithuania or improvement in the situation - women remain a critical mass (30 % below the threshold) among the heads of state, parliament and municipal councils. Keywords: gender inequality, women‘s political power, European Union, women in Lithuanian political institutions, women in local government.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHAN KARLSSON SCHAFFER

AbstractRecently, theorists have sought to justify transnational democracy by means of the all-affected principle, which claims that people have a right to participate in political decision-making that affects them. I argue that this principle is neither logically valid nor feasible as a way of determining the boundaries of democratic communities. First, specifying what it means to be affected is itself a highly political issue, since it must rest on some disputable theory of interests; and the principle does not solve the problem of how to legitimately constitute the demos, since such acts, too, are decisions which affect people. Furthermore, applying the principle comes at too high a cost: either political boundaries must be redrawn for each issue at stake or we must ensure that democratic politics only has consequences within an enclosed community and that it affects its members equally. Secondly, I discuss three possible replacements for the all-affected principle: (a) applying the all-affected principle to second-order rules, not to decisions; (b) drawing boundaries so as to maximise everyone's autonomy; (c) including everyone who is subject to the law. I conclude by exploring whether (c) would support transnational democracy to the extent that a global legal order is emerging.


Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  

The article analyzes the last stage of the confrontation between Budapest and Brussels, which this year marks at least 10 years. this means that out of Hungary’s 16 years of membership in the European Union, 10 years have not been easy – in periodically recurring disputes about its right to independence in political decision-making. The most tragic was the last two-thirds of the way, when the government of permanent FIDESZ leader Viktor Orban came to power in Hungary, having received two-thirds of the votes in parliament, which tried for the first time during the reform period to make comprehensive changes to the country’s fundamental documents. at least twice, the country was on the verge of applying article 7 of the Lisbon treaty, for which it was one of the first to vote in 2009. in 2020, immediately after the re-election of the European parliament, the discussion about Hungary’s inconsistency with the EU’s value area resumed, taking on a tragic framework towards the end of the year, when Hungary, together with Poland, was forced to pay attention to the problem of its certain «otherness» by vetoing the EU’s budget plans.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
René Scholz

Challenges in the European energy sector have become so extensive that they cannot be met purely on a national level, but require joint multi-directional European solutions. Complex structures and procedures involving diverse administrative elements and networks have thus emerged, through which a cooperative EU administrative body on energy frames both the political decision-making and legislative action of the Union in this respect, as well as legal implementation as such. This book examines these structures and multilevel cooperation, and the role of supranational and national energy actors, from the standpoint and as an example of European administrative integration. It offers a comprehensive view of EU energy administration, highlights efficiency failings in this regard and points to potential ways of optimising the achievement of European Union energy policy goals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sveinung Arnesen ◽  
Troy S Broderstad ◽  
Mikael P Johannesson ◽  
Jonas Linde

This conjoint study investigates the type of mandate a referendum confers in the political decision-making process. While a majority of citizens in general believe that the government should follow the results of a referendum on European Union membership, its perceived legitimacy in the eyes of the public heavily depends upon the level of turnout, the size of the majority, and the outcome of the specific referendum in question. Thus, whether a referendum legitimizes a political decision in the eyes of the public is conditional upon these three dimensions.


Author(s):  
John Bachtler ◽  
Carlos Mendez

European Union cohesion policy accounts for a major share of the EU budget and aims to reduce economic, social, and territorial disparities through investment programmes and projects aligned with EU strategic objectives and implemented under a unique model of multi-level governance. This chapter reviews the evolution of cohesion policy over successive reform phases, how the policy is implemented, and the evidence for its effectiveness. It also discusses the different policy modes encompassed in the policy, and it reviews recent political developments relating to politicization, Brexit, the sectoralization of EU spending, and the implications of the Covid-19 pandemic. The chapter concludes that the resourcing, priorities, and governance of cohesion policy for 2021–27 represent a new turning point in the prospects for the policy, following the strategic turns of 2006 and 2013 (Bachtler et al. 2013). While the budget for cohesion policy remains substantial, the policy’s importance is diminishing as a result of greater centralization of political decision-making within the Commission, a fragmentation of the political constituencies for cohesion policy, and the dominance of non-spatial EU policy priorities with centralized delivery mechanisms.


Author(s):  
Ji Yeon-Jung

Abstract This article, which focuses on the political decision making around the leadership of India's Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), shows how this process both decentralized scientific authority in India and led to changes in India's nuclear programme. New evidence presented from the deliberations of the Prime Minister's Secretariat (PMS) shows that Vikram Sarabhai, appointed chairman of the AEC in 1966, following the sudden death of the previous leader, Homi Bhabha, was the favoured candidate from the start of the process. His view on India's nuclear programme contrasted sharply with that of his predecessor, but his authority was protected, in part, from external challenge by the jurisdictional decisions made by the PMS. This article argues that the ambiguity inherent in India's developing nuclear programme was not the result of the apprehension of external threat, but the result of internal tensions within the relevant institutions, which are both revealed and (partially) resolved by the appointment process for the new chair.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (11) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
João Reis ◽  
Paula Santo ◽  
Nuno Melão

In the last six decades, many advances have been made in the field of artificial intelligence (AI). Bearing in mind that AI technologies are influencing societies and political systems differently, it can be useful to understand what are the common issues between similar states in the European Union and how these political systems can collaborate with each other, seeking synergies, finding opportunities and saving costs. Therefore, we carried out an exploratory research among similar states of the European Union, in terms of scientific research in areas of AI technologies, namely: Portugal, Greece, Austria, Belgium and Sweden. A key finding of this research is that intelligent decision support systems (IDSS) are essential for the political decision-making process, since politics normally deals with complex and multifaceted decisions, which involve trade-offs between different stakeholders. As public health is becoming increasingly relevant in the field of the European Union, the IDSSs can provide relevant contributions, as it may allow sharing critical information and assist in the political decision-making process, especially in response to crisis situations.


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