When social movements collaborate with the state towards the right to the city: Unveiling compromises and conflicts

2021 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2098161
Author(s):  
Morgana G Martins Krieger ◽  
Marlei Pozzebon ◽  
Lauro Gonzalez

The right to the city represents a critique of the city as a place and an object of capitalist accumulation, in which priority is given to exchange value over use value. This critique references an ongoing and collective struggle for urban production to be radically democratic, as the expanded participation of city users would lead to appropriation, with social movements occupying a central role. This paper discusses the practices of urban social movements that cooperate with governmental institutions participating in and influencing the design and implementation of public policies. We focus on the possibilities of transformation towards the right to the city as well as the conflicts and contradictions that social movements face when partnering with the State. We carry out an in-depth investigation of two social movements involved in building housing units in Brazil as part of a federal government programme. By conceptually translating the right to the city into the economies of worth, we propose an original theoretical approach. Our study contributes to advance the understanding of the role of social movements that collaborate with governments without abandoning the goal of struggling for the right to the city. We add a pragmatic perspective to the radical conception of the right to the city by showing how different logics of action enable or hinder the possibility of the right to the city horizon. We propose that the prominence of the civic common world might transform operational processes mainly through self-management.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter KUMER ◽  

Despite extensive research on the role arts districts play in the economic development of cities, little is known about the dynamics of social interactions within those districts and their impact on society. Drawing on 26 interviews with actors and stakeholders of arts districts in Ljubljana, this paper explores the role of arts districts in creating a just city. Four dimensions of such districts, which represent the meaningful themes that emerged from the data, are examined. The first dimension is the interrelationship of artists, cultural workers and activists. The second dimension encompasses mutual support and forms of self-governance, whereas the third dimension investigates the role arts districts play in the neighbourhood. The fourth dimension seeks to define the role of arts districts as part of urban development generally driven by capital. The results show that arts districts are important in the struggle for the right to the city. Actors from these districts are committed to addressing the causes of social inequality at their root via artist-led civic engagement activities.


Focaal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 (66) ◽  
pp. 122-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susana Narotzky

Optimism of the will permeates this article, which builds on Lefebvre’s idea of The Right to the City ([1968] 2009) and its more recent revival by Harvey, specially in his last work where, after a period of scepticism regarding recent urban social movements as potentially politically transformative, he seems to vindicate their potential as part of a class understanding of these movements (2012).


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abigail Friendly

Brazilian urban social movements have played a key role in bringing about change in urban policy since the 1980s and in light of the widespread protests across the country in June 2013. This insurgency and the urban reform movement of the 1980s and 1990s exemplify waves of mobilization and demobilization, signaling positive change at the level of praxis. More recent events have highlighted challenges for Brazil’s political left. Os movimentos sociais urbanos brasileiros tem desempenhado um papel chave na mudança da política urbana desde os anos 80 e em vista dos mega-protestos espalhados pelo país de junho de 2013. Esta insurgência e o movimento de reforma urbana dos anos 80 e 90 exemplificam ondas de mobilização e desmobilização, sinalizando mudanças positivas ao nível da praxis. Eventos mais recentes têm destacado desafios para a esquerda política brasileira.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 689-699
Author(s):  
Wairimu Maina ◽  
Andre van Graan

Purpose This paper aims to illustrate relationships between stakeholders in the conceptualisation and implementation of water and sanitation services (WSS) projects in marginalised settings of Nairobi and Kiambu Counties. It outlines these relationships in a flow diagram that shows a pathway analysis in which social innovation strategies are used as markers in the program of inclusive water provision. The study’s objective is to map the processes of social innovation in an effort to highlight the role of marginalised communities in their access to the right to water. Design/methodology/approach The paper approached the study using a case study design, and thereafter, constructivist grounded theory was used to further delve into the comparative cases. To map the processes of social innovation, the case study design was seen to be appropriate, as it sequenced activities in a time-series analysis. From these two case studies, four comparative cases were used to pinpoint path-breaking transition in the pathway analysis. The methods used in both phases were, namely, in-depth interviews, observations and document analysis, and these were complemented by field notes. Findings The paper indicates an opportunity to use emergent patterns for a more context-specific analysis of WSS projects in marginalised communities. It advances the role of marginalised communities as vital stakeholders in the approach described as “the right to the city”. The model of spatial appropriation brings to the fore the binary yet separate processes that stakeholders engage in. Research limitations/implications Owing to the use of a grounded theory model, the results may not be transferable to other contexts. Therefore, further testing of the proposed pathway analysis and model is encouraged, as this model suggests ways of ensuring full community engagement which would result in greater success in projects involving marginalised communities. Practical implications The paper has implications for both the government and communities, in that more deliberate roles for the community-based organisation in the conceptualisation of WSS projects can lead to social learning opportunities for government institutions and greater success in implementation. Originality/value The paper justifies the need for government institutions to map and evaluate WSS projects using emergent patterns to highlight the role of marginalised communities as their right to the city.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-138
Author(s):  
David O’Byrne

The aim of this paper is to outline a way in which research can contribute to the advance of environmental social movements. Current struggles under capitalism are fragmented and localized, which means that creating unity out of fragmented struggles is essential for movements to become more successful. The Right to the City (RTC) as a concept, in its most radical formulation, has this ambition at its core. I examine various attempts from the RTC literature to promote unity, paying particular attention to the use of ideas of justice. In general these attempts are too abstract to be of practical use to existing movements. They do provide useful insight to researchers, by showing the necessity of paying attention to the context that particular movements operate in, but means of formulating advice for movement activists remain vague. I argue that to be more useful to movements, research should and can have something to say about the practical issues movements face, such as, how demands are framed and how to engage with other organizations. I argue that this can be done by bringing together analysis at a number of levels. In the case of movements of labor for the environment, Marxist geographic structural analysis can be combined with political and cultural analysis based on Gramsci’s theory of hegemony and analysis of the dynamics of movement emergence and advance using social movement theory. I argue that such a framework can connect a vision for radical change with the more immediate problems of organizing social movements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 839
Author(s):  
Sávio Silva de Almeida ◽  
Cristina Pereira de Araújo

O presente ensaio tem como objetivo analisar o aprofundamento da mercantilização do direito à moradia, sob a hegemonia neoliberal. A metodologia empregada envolve uma extensa revisão de literatura com vistas a contribuir com os estudos sobre a urbanização, movimentos sociais urbanos, direito à cidade e à moradia digna. Na primeira seção, o texto trata do processo de urbanização sob o capitalismo. Na segunda seção, aborda as lutas promovidas no âmbito jurídico pelos movimentos sociais brasileiros que construíram a moradia como um direito humano social. Na terceira seção, apresentauma reflexão sobre a financeirização da moradia. Conclui que o aprofundamento da financeirização da moradia representa o novo paradigma da urbanização capitalista a ser superado pelos movimentos sociais, para que o Estado possa atuar no sentido de garantir a moradia como um direito social.Palavras-chave: Urbanização. Direito à moradia. Neoliberalismo.HOUSING IN THE 21th CENTURY? Financial asset or social right?AbstractThe present essay aims to analyze the deepening of the commodification of the right to housing, under neoliberal hegemony. The methodology involves an extensive literature review that approach the proposed theme intending to contribute to studies on urbanization, urban social movements, right to the city and right to housing. In the first section, the text seeks to reflect on the process of urbanization under capitalism. In the second, brings to reflect on the struggles promoted in the legal sphere by the Brazilian social movements that built housing as a social human right. In the third, the text presents a reflection on the financialization of housing. It concludes that the deepening of the financialization of housing represents the new paradigm of capitalist urbanization to be overcome by social movements, so that the State can act in the sense of guaranteeing housing as a social right.Keywords: Urbanization. Right to housing. Neoliberalism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charalampos Tsavdaroglou ◽  
Chrisa Giannopoulou ◽  
Chryssanthi Petropoulou ◽  
Ilias Pistikos

During the recent refugee crisis, numerous solidarity initiatives emerged in Greece and especially in Mytilene, Athens and Thessaloniki. Mytilene is the capital of Lesvos Island and the main entry point in the East Aegean Sea, Athens is the main refugee transit city and Thessaloniki is the biggest city close to the northern borders. After the EU–Turkey Common Statement, the Balkan countries sealed their borders and thousands of refugees found themselves stranded in Greece. The State accommodation policy provides the majority of the refugee population with residency in inappropriate camps which are mainly located in isolated old military bases and abandoned factories. The article contrasts the State-run services to the solidarity acts of “care-tizenship” and commoning practices such as self-organised refugee housing projects, which claim the right to the city and to spatial justice. Specifically, the article is inspired by the Lefebvrian “right to the city,” which embraces the right to housing, education, work, health and challenges the concept of citizen. Echoing Lefebvrian analysis, citizenship is not demarcated by membership in a nation-state, rather, it concerns all the residents of the city. The article discusses the academic literature on critical citizenship studies and especially the so-called “care-tizenship,” meaning the grassroots commoning practices that are based on caring relationships and mutual help for social rights. Following participatory ethnographic research, the main findings highlight that the acts of care-tizenship have opened up new possibilities to challenge State migration policies while reinventing a culture of togetherness and negotiating locals’ and refugees’ multiple class, gender, and religious identities.


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