scholarly journals The Malaysian General Elections of 2013: The Last Attempt at Secular-inclusive Nation-building?

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farish A. Noor
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Opposition Parties

This paper looks at the Malaysian General Election campaign of 2013, and focuses primarily on the 1Malaysia project that was foregrounded by the administration of Prime Minister Najib Razak. It compares the 1Malaysia project with other projects aimed at nation-building, such as the Wawasan 2020 project of former Prime Minister Mahathir and the Islam Hadari project of former Prime Minister Badawi; and asks if 1Malaysia was truly an attempt at building a sense of Malaysian nationhood based on universal citizenship regardless of race or religion; and it also considers the response to the 1Malaysia project that came from the opposition parties of the country. Malaysia has experienced a steady process of islamisation that dates back to the Mahathir era, and the question of whether the political domain of Malaysia has been overcome by religious-communitarian markers and values will be raised in the paper as well.

scholarly journals Introduction (Special Edition – The Presidential Nomination Process)

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Special Edition ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Country

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.

Budaya Politik Baru Pasca PRU KE-10: Analisis Terhadap Transformasi Budaya Politik Melayu Di Terengganu

Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Ilyas Abdullah ◽  
Jamaie Hamil ◽  
Sity Daud
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Deputy Prime Minister ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Election Results

This study is about the political culture of the Malays. It discusses the changes in the political culture of the Malays in Terengganu manifested after the occurrence of an event of dismissal of Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy President of UMNO who was Anwar Ibrahim on 2 September 1998. The dismissal has produced a wave of resistance in particular from Malays who disclosed this item for a period of time relatively long until and after the general elections of 1999. General Election 1999 has been highlighting a shift support from UMNO to opposition parties that is so obvious. UMNO suffered the worst performance in the election. This study is also done based on the occurrence of the pattern of voting uncertainty shown in four series of the last elections in Terengganu from 1999 until 2013. This is because the convergence of two Islam-Malay based parties namely UMNO and PAS are very intense. Based on election results post 10th General Election shows that the Terengganu State is no longer secure to any political party contesting the election. Each party is seen to have a chance of a balance to form Government in Terengganu. Findings show that development can act as catalyst for the formation of Malay political culture prior and post 10th General Election. In the post 10th General Election, the Malay communities are aware that development does not suggest that people live in comfort but justice should come together. Other than that, the Malay community in Terengganu do not only uphold the values of Islam, Malay and development but they also embrace other values that can keep pace with current political development. Thus, the need for other values such as justice in new politics is indispensable for political transformation. Keywords: Transformation, Political Culture, Malay Political Culture, New Politics. ABSTRAK: Kajian ini adalah satu kajian mengenai budaya politik Melayu. Ia membincangkan transformasi budaya politik masyarakat Melayu di Terengganu yang dimanifestasikan selepas terjadinya peristiwa pemecatan Anwar Ibrahim pada 2 September 1998. Pemecatan tersebut telah melahirkan satu gelombang penentangan masyarakat Melayu Terengganu terhadap UMNO-BN. Penentangan tersebut dapat dilihat menerusi anjakan sokongan masyarakat Melayu daripada UMNO-BN kepada parti oposisi yang lain dengan begitu jelas khususnya PAS. UMNO telah mengalami prestasi terburuknya dalam pilihan raya tersebut. Kajian ini juga dilakukan berdasarkan kepada berlakunya pola ketidaktentuan pengundian yang ditunjukkan dalam empat siri pilihan raya yang terakhir di Terengganu melibatkan PRU tahun 1999, 2004, 2008 dan PRU tahun 2013. Hal ini kerana pertembungan dua parti Melayu-Islam utama iaitu UMNO dan PAS sangat sengit. Keputusan pilihan raya pasca PRU-10 menunjukkan bahawa Terengganu bukan lagi menjadi negeri selamat buat mana-mana parti politik yang bertanding. Setiap parti dilihat mempunyai peluang yang seimbang untuk membentuk kerajaan di Terengganu. Hasil kajian menunjukan bahawa pembangunan merupakan faktor utama yang mempengaruhi pembentukan budaya politik Melayu di Terengganu sebelum dan selepas PRU ke-10. Namun begitu pasca PRU ke-10 masyarakat Melayu mula melihat bahawa pembangunan bukan lagi semata-mata mengecapi nikmat keselesaan malahan mesti turut disepadukan dengan prinsip keadilan. Pengundi berkecenderungan untuk bertindak dengan memberikan tindakbalas yang negatif kepada kerajaan sekiranya dasar atau pembangunan yang dibawa oleh kerajaan tidak memberikan hasil atau faedah ekonomi kepada pengundi dan sebaliknya. Selain itu juga masyarakat Melayu Terengganu juga tidak lagi hanya mementingkan nilai-nilai yang berkait dengan ketuanan Melayu, Islam dan pembangunan semata-mata malahan telah mengambil satu nilai yang baru selaras dengan perkembangan politik semasa. Keperluan terhadap nilai-nilai dalam politik baru seperti keadilan adalah releven dan diterima serta mempengaruhi transformasi budaya politik mereka. Kata kunci: Transformasi, Budaya Politik, Budaya Politik Melayu, Budaya Politik Baru.  

scholarly journals Swords and Ploughshares: The Election Prerogative in Canada

1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-291
Author(s):  
James Lightbody
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Assembly

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.

scholarly journals Health in the 2018 Italian general election

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
S Guicciardi ◽  
M Quargnolo ◽  
G Moser ◽  
R D’Avenia ◽  
F Toth ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Implementation Strategies ◽  
General Election ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Health Issues ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
Health Related ◽  
General Elections

Abstract Background General elections represent a peculiar moment in which clear positions on relevant topics are more likely to emerge. Therefore, they may serve as a reference point to monitor policy development and to verify decision makers’ accountability. The aim of this study is to systematically examine the proposals on health issues in the manifestos of the 38 parties running in the 2018 Italian general election, comparing them with the contents shared on social media. Methods All the electoral manifestos published on the websites of each party and of the Italian Ministry of the Interior were collected and independently assessed by four evaluators. A list of 48 health themes grouped into 13 main domains into was then consensually created and used to classify the reported proposals. Parties’ official social media accounts (Facebook and Twitter) were subsequently screened for selected keywords to determine the frequency and the content of health-related posts. Results Thirty out of 38 parties included a specific section on health in their programmes or generally addressed healthcare topics. The most covered themes were health promotion and lifestyles, self-sufficiency of fragile populations, management of private healthcare and health workforce, although implementation strategies varied greatly and only in a few cases it was possible to compare them. On social media, health related posts represented less than 1% of the contents shared by any party during the election campaign. Conclusions In the 2018 Italian election campaign the majority of the parties’ manifestos explicitly addressed health issues but, apart from a few exceptions, significant differences were present in the themes and in the proposed solutions, mostly generic. On social media health was almost neglected. Despite its social relevance, health played a marginal role in the 2018 Italian election campaign.

The Bharatiya Jana Sangh and the First General Election in West Bengal: The Enigma of Hindu Politics in early 1950s

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-68
Author(s):  
Koushiki Dasgupta
Keyword(s):  
West Bengal ◽  
Multiple Identities ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Nationalist Parties

The first general elections proved to be a disaster for the Bharatiya Jana Sangh in Bengal in terms of its performance and its failure to make the Hindu Bengalis a consolidated political block. Prior to the election, the party had generated immense hopes and aspirations especially among the refugees from East Bengal. Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the leader of the opposition, appeared to be the sole spokesman of the Bengali Hindus and fought the election with a promise to secure the political fate of the Hindu Bengalis, especially the refugees from East Bengal. But very soon the party lost the essential spirit and enthusiasm to challenge the leftists especially in the refugee constituencies and failed to take a hold over the issues of multiple identities working parallel inside the refugee political space. The Hindu nationalist forces had never been a popular choice in Bengal; however, at least in the decades before partition they managed to make their presence felt in the political mainstream of the province. In this paper, an attempt has been made to understand why the Hindu nationalist parties in general and the Jana Sangh in particular lost its credibility among the Hindu electorate in Bengal after partition.

Power and the poisoned chalice: A provocation

Leadership ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-132
Author(s):  
Keith Grint
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Leaders And Followers

Power, however defined, is something we usually consider as indelibly linked to leadership, as something all leaders and followers seek to obtain, retain, and deploy for good or ill, for themselves or others. But there are occasions when power might be something to avoid, especially when it comes tainted with deleterious consequences, rather like the Christian fable of the poisoned chalice. In this brief provocation, I provide examples where this is self-evident but often only in retrospect. Thus, the infamous ‘stab-in-the-back’ saw the German Social Democrats take power, just before the armistice was signed in 1918. At the time of writing (October 2019), the British are on the verge of a General Election and whoever wins, whoever becomes Prime Minister, will also be held responsible for the fallout from BREXIT – irrespective of their role in generating the political crisis; sometimes, it might be better not to seek power.

Canada faces federal-provincial gridlock on policy

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
New Right ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Carbon Taxes ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Border Trade ◽  
Opposition Parties

Subject Canadian provincial and federal politicial dynamics. Significance As Ontario Premier Doug Ford’s term gets underway, Quebec is beginning its election campaign, running to October 1; the centre-right Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ) will likely perform well. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau faces a fractious final year, as relations worsen between the Liberal federal government and various new right-wing provincial governments. Leading issues are migration, carbon taxes, cross-border trade and right-wing provincial governments’ socially conservative and fiscally austere agendas. Impacts Failed NAFTA renegotiations would hurt Trudeau’s administration before 2019 and necessitate further post-2019 negotiations. Right-wing provincial premiers will still cooperate with Trudeau to mitigate the effect of US trade tariffs on Canada. Currently, Trudeau and the Liberals are likely to win in 2019, but opposition parties will gain votes.

scholarly journals PUBLIC PERCEPTION REGARDING MONEY POLITICS IN GENERAL ELECTION 2019 (COMPARTIVE STUDY ON TEGAL CITY AND TEGAL REGENCY)

CosmoGov ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Sri Sutjiatmi ◽  
Dwian Hartomi Akta Padma Eldo ◽  
Arif Zainudin
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Method ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
High Knowledge ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
High Attitude

This paper is intended to look at the condition of Indonesia related to the still rampant occurrence of money politics which is a problem in the community when the 2019 elections simultaneously. This research takes a case study between Tegal City and Tegal Regency. The interesting thing in this study is to see how the community's assessment of the Tegal city and Tegal Regency groups regarding money politics in the 2019 elections simultaneously. The method used is a mixed method (between Mixed Methods) between quantitative and qualitative, by calculating the Solvin formula by deepening the analysis by interviewing the speakers directly. The results of the study showed that the people of Tegal City had a relatively high attitude of not paying attention to the Politics of Money in the General Election relating to the political money of the General Elections in 2019 at the same time. Unlike the people of Tegal Regency who consider money politics as a culture that is difficult to remove. Also interesting is the beginner voter group Tegal Regency has a fairly high knowledge about money politics that can damage the democratic system compared to the Beginner voters in Tegal City.

Uganda president co-opts to dilute Mbabazi threat

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
High Risk ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
Regional Stability ◽  
Content Type ◽  
General Elections

Subject Election outlook in Uganda. Significance President Yoweri Museveni is confirmed as the National Resistance Movement's (NRM) official presidential candidate for February 2016 general elections. His most threatening challenger is former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi, whose defection is the most significant in a decade. However, in the wake of the NRM party primaries and delegates conference, Museveni has shown his ability to consolidate support among the political elite. Impacts Uganda's elections will distract focus from its official mediation role in Burundi's deteriorating security crisis. However, Museveni may also guard Uganda's position as the regional mediator for fear of losing influence. Burundi is at high risk of civil conflict, with repercussions for regional stability ahead of Uganda's elections.

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