scholarly journals Swords and Ploughshares: The Election Prerogative in Canada

1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-291
Author(s):  
James Lightbody

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.

Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey C. Gunn

Two key events on the political calendar in Laos in 2006 were the Eighth Party Congress and elections to the Legislative Assembly, leading to the appointment of a new president, prime minister, and cabinet. Neither event would detract from the epithet ““secretive”” often applied to affairs of state in what is one of the world's five remaining communist nations.


Leadership ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-132
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

Power, however defined, is something we usually consider as indelibly linked to leadership, as something all leaders and followers seek to obtain, retain, and deploy for good or ill, for themselves or others. But there are occasions when power might be something to avoid, especially when it comes tainted with deleterious consequences, rather like the Christian fable of the poisoned chalice. In this brief provocation, I provide examples where this is self-evident but often only in retrospect. Thus, the infamous ‘stab-in-the-back’ saw the German Social Democrats take power, just before the armistice was signed in 1918. At the time of writing (October 2019), the British are on the verge of a General Election and whoever wins, whoever becomes Prime Minister, will also be held responsible for the fallout from BREXIT – irrespective of their role in generating the political crisis; sometimes, it might be better not to seek power.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 12-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Комлева ◽  
Valentina Komleva

Events of recent years have shown the importance of the individual political leaders in choosing the ways and models of development of different societies, the ability to successful governance. The article investigates the political leadership and its role and place in the sustainable development of society, domestic and foreign theories and approaches to the study of this phenomenon are analyzed. The author discusses features, problems and trends in the study of political leadership, which is understood as the political capital of the company in most modern Western research, as a condition of its successful development; and a political leader (in terms of importance for the sustainable development of society) as a significant person of the political process, to make political decisions, exercising public political activity, function integration and consolidation of the social forces that specifies the activity of state and / or public institutions, political movements to influence policy situation. The research results suggest that the specificity of the present stage of the study of political leadership is to increase the attention of scientists to the subject of the crisis of political leadership, the needs of leaders by modern society who influence the members of society positively, develop the state effectively.


Significance The military leadership has seized control of the political process, but has shown little interest in assuming formal power, often demonstrating sympathies with protesters while preserving the constitutional order. Impacts The prime minister and interim president may be pushed to quit as a concession. Elections planned for July 4 may be postponed if unrest grows. The economy may suffer as tourism will decline and foreign investors will hesitate to become involved in an uncertain energy sector.


2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farish A. Noor

This paper looks at the Malaysian General Election campaign of 2013, and focuses primarily on the 1Malaysia project that was foregrounded by the administration of Prime Minister Najib Razak. It compares the 1Malaysia project with other projects aimed at nation-building, such as the Wawasan 2020 project of former Prime Minister Mahathir and the Islam Hadari project of former Prime Minister Badawi; and asks if 1Malaysia was truly an attempt at building a sense of Malaysian nationhood based on universal citizenship regardless of race or religion; and it also considers the response to the 1Malaysia project that came from the opposition parties of the country. Malaysia has experienced a steady process of islamisation that dates back to the Mahathir era, and the question of whether the political domain of Malaysia has been overcome by religious-communitarian markers and values will be raised in the paper as well.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 273-311
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

The legitimacy of representative democracy hinges on its ability to implement the policies that politicians make. Citizens may experience that their interests and viewpoints are taken into account in the political process, that the political process is fair, and that policies made are relevant and convincing responses to the problems they experience and aspirations they have. If policy implementation fails, it is likely to have a negative effect on citizens’ assessments of the efficiency and effectiveness of the political system, its executive institutions, and the competence and skill of incumbent political authorities. It reduces the political system’s outcome legitimacy. New theories of co-production and co-creation and research into how public and private actors work together to promote public value suggest that successful implementation of policy outcomes is more likely when relevant and affected societal actors are involved. This involving approach to getting things done leads to the formulation of a concept of socio-political implementation referring to co-created policy-implementation. Most of the socio-political implementation research tends to overlook the important role of politics and political leadership for successful co-creation of policy implementation. Chapter 7 argues that politicians have a crucial role to play as interactive political leaders of co-created policy implementation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Richardson

Despite public awareness of their role, speechwriters occupy an anxiously liminal position within the political process. As the ongoing dispute between former Australian prime minister Paul Keating and Don Watson over the Redfern Speech suggests, the authorship and ownership of speeches can be a fraught proposition, no matter the professional codes. Crafting and re-crafting identity places speechwriter and speechmaker in a relation of intense intimacy, one in which neither party may be comfortable and from which both may well emerge changed. Having written speeches for Jack Layton, former leader of the New Democratic Party of Canada, I know just how complex, uncertain and productive that relation can be. This article conceives of identity as transindividual, formed in the intensity and flux of encounter, and weaves together the personal and the critical to examine politics’ speechwriting ghost.


2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-336
Author(s):  
Tomoaki Iwai

The political scene behind Japan's legislation in 2000 was uneasy and flurried. The ascent to political power by Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori following the sudden death of Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi, the shift in political framework caused by the separation of the Liberal Party from the coalition government, and the general election came one after the other in a series of restless succession.


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