The welfare state debate

Author(s):  
Fred Powell

This chapter analyses the post-war evolution of a welfare state in Ireland. It explores the tension between traditionalist influences (clientelism, localism, and religion) and the modernising forces of social democracy that were reshaping civic culture and the idea of citizenship into what T. H. Marshall (1950) has called a ‘three-legged stool’ of civil rights, political rights, and social rights. The Irish welfare state is often categorised as belonging to the Anglo-Saxon model. However, Ireland's ideological orientation (driven by Catholic social teaching in the form of the principle of subsidiarity) and an informal Church–State alliance suggests the Irish welfare state had more in common with the Mediterranean countries (Spain, Portugal, Italy), Nonetheless, a shared language and popular culture did influence the public imaginary concept of the ideal of a welfare state and similarly shape public demands for higher levels of social expenditure.

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Noralv Veggeland

How do Nordic states conduct policies in order to bring people closer to the socio-economic realm, in the sense that they, being social capital, tend to be integrated as active and participatory citizens? How do the interventionist and expensive Nordic welfare states survive in the global age, with demanding and ever changing claims to international competitiveness? This paper addresses these questions. Social capital and partnership building are introduced as terms and policy concepts in order to find answers in the framework of intended or unintended strategic endeavours. As a critical approach claims a contextual conceptualisation, we shall here view different European social models and administrative traditions in relation to comparative basic contexts in order to arrive at analytical answers. Leaning especially on the Anglo-Saxon model, the traditional Scandinavian universal welfare state model of the post-war Keynesian order has gradually been transformed into the contemporary Nordic model (Veggeland 2007). Contextual regulatory innovations and path-dependent processes have generated the survival of universal welfare state arrangements and collective action but with the mixed use of Market-Type Mechanisms (MTM) in the public sector of Anglo-Saxon origin. In summary, this blending of policies has resulted in the advantageous social capital of what is called flexicurity, social security combined with a flexible participatory labour market. We shall discuss both flexicurity policy and participatory subsidiarity defined downwards as contribution to an explanation of why the expensive welfare states of the Nordic type have not only so far been doing well but have also sustained both democratic and output-side legitimacy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
N.V. Varghese

Criticality is the ability to question current theories and practices in any sector to make them more receptive to social realities. Empathy is the ability to identify with what someone else is thinking or feeling. Empathy forms the foundation for welfare state and its liberal social welfare programmes. The state-led development strategies during the post-war period stemmed from a belief in the idea of welfare state and in the redistribution of resources and opportunities in favour of the deprived groups. The market-led globalisation process has put brakes on the scope of welfare provisions even in democratic societies. The public-funded stimulus packages during the recent economic crisis helped save economies from market failure and reinforced the need for state intervention even for an efficient functioning of markets. Based on an analysis of global trends and Indian context, this paper argues for the need of the educational processes to develop criticality in thinking and empathy in action to help develop a support base for public policies benefiting the poor and the disadvantaged.


2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chloe N. Thurston

Scholarship on the U.S. public–private welfare state has pointed to the ways in which indirect, market-based channels of social policy provision often obscure the role of the government from many citizens who use these programs. This article argues that the same mechanisms that often depoliticize public–private policies for citizens who already benefit from them may actually politicize them for citizens who are unable to access those benefits. Focusing on the responses of black civil rights and veterans advocacy groups to the shortcomings of the Federal Housing Administration and the early GI Bill, it shows that public–private policies can draw advocacy groups, providers, and the state into conflicts over the terms of access. Despite facing very different challenges and bringing very different political capacities to bear, these two types of groups followed precisely the same processes of political mobilization and contestation in each case: First, they aggregated individual grievances into broader collective problems. Then, they traced those problems not to impersonal market mechanisms but to government policies and state authority. Finally, they pushed for reform across multiple venues to expand access for their members. By explicating these recurrent political dynamics, this article contributes to our understanding of policy feedback in the public–private welfare state and highlights the role of advocacy groups in helping to reshape the state's capacity to govern in a policy arena that is often characterized as dominated by third-party providers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 263-270
Author(s):  
William A. Schabas

Political rights are often grouped with civil rights as if both adjectives apply to certain categories, and some fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, can be described as belonging to both categories. But the concept of political rights has an autonomous meaning. It applies specifically to the democratic vision of human rights, encompassing the right to participate in government, the right to vote and the right to participate in government. Elections must be both genuinie and periodic, based upon universal and equal suffrage and by secret vote or an equivalent free voting procedure. Equal access to the public service is also comprised within political rights.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Kwiek

This article is based on the Keynote Address to the European Conference on Educational Research (ECER), Dublin, Ireland, 7–10 September 2005. It argues that we are facing the simultaneous renegotiation of the major post-war social contract (concerning the welfare state) in Europe and the renegotiation of a smaller-scale modern social pact: the pact between the university and the nation-state. It suggests that the current, and especially future, transformations of the university are not fully clear outside of the context of transformations to the state (and to the public sector) under global pressures. These pressures, both directly and indirectly, will not leave the university as an institution unaffected. Thus it is more useful today than ever before to discuss the future of the university in the context of the current transformations of the state. The study is divided into four sections: a brief introduction; a section on the university and the welfare state in Europe; a section on the university and the nation-state in Europe; and tentative conclusions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 700-716
Author(s):  
John D. Stephens

This chapter reviews the welfare state literature which conceives of welfare state entitlements as ‘social rights of citizenship’, following the conceptualization of T. H. Marshall in his 1950 essay on citizenship. Beginning with Marshall’s influential essay, the first section of the chapter discusses how social rights of citizenship have been defined in the literature on comparative welfare states. Marshall argues that the defining feature of the social rights of citizenship is that they entail a claim for public transfers, goods, and services ‘which is not proportionate to the market value of the claimant’. Early quantitative studies of welfare state development measured welfare state effort with social expenditure, which was seen as a proxy for the variables of real interest, social rights, or welfare state redistribution. In the 1980s, ambitious efforts to measure social rights through time and across countries were initiated, though these measures did not find their way into the public domain until after 2000. These measures focus on rights to welfare state transfers and thus neglect services. The chapter ends with reviews of the literature on the causes of variations in social rights across countries and through time and on the outcomes of variations in social rights.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 446-456
Author(s):  
V. V. Yusupov

The issue of development of forensic institutions of Ukraine in the ХХ century was studied. Until 1917, forensic medical examinations were conducted in the medical compartments of the provincial administrations, at the departments of forensic medicine of universities and in hospitals - by police doctors. The chairs of forensic medicine existed in the St. Vladimir Kyiv University, Kharkiv, Novorosiisk and Lviv Universities. Real organization of Ukrainian forensic medical institutions began in 1919 with the creation of the Medical Examination Department at the People’s Commissariat of Health. In 1923, the Main forensic medical inspection, headed by M. S. Bokarius, was founded. In the provinces the positions of forensic medical inspectors were created. In 1927 the sections of biological research were established in the Kharkiv, Kyiv and Odesa institutes of scientific andforensic expertise,where separate forensic examinations were conducted. In 1949 the institutions of forensic medical examination of the USSR were merged into the Bureau of Forensic Medical Examination, in Ukraine it was held in 1951. It was proved that forensic medical institutions developed at the following chronological stages: 1) until 1917 - forensic medical service in the Ministry of Internal Affairs; 2) 1917-1941 - prewar formation of forensic medical institutions; 3) 1941-1949 -forensic medical institutions during the war and in the first post-war years; 4) 1949-1990s - period of development of the bureau of forensic medical examinations of the countries of the USSR; 5) since the 1990s - development of expert institutions in the public health care system in independent postSoviet states. It’s stressed that formation of the forensic institutions in Ukraine is closely related with the development of forensic medicine departments of higher educational establishments. Forensic medicine departments were the basisfor practicalforensic medicine, professors provided daily assistance to forensic medical experts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 13-35
Author(s):  
H. Şule Albayrak

For decades the authoritarian secularist policies of the Turkish state, by imposing a headscarf ban at universities and in the civil service, excluded practising Muslim women from the public sphere until the reforms following 2010. However, Muslim women had continued to seek ways to increase their knowledge and improve their intellectual levels, not only as individuals, but also by establishing civil associations. As a result, a group of intellectual women has emerged who are not only educated in political, social, and economic issues, but who are also determined to attain their socio-economic and political rights. Those new actors in the Turkish public sphere are, however, concerned with being labeled as either “feminist,” “fundamentalist” or “Islamist.” This article therefore analyzes the distance between the self-identifications of intellectual Muslim women and certain classifications imposed on them. Semi-structured in-depth interviews with thirteen Turkish intellectual Muslim women were carried out which reveal that they reject and critique overly facile labels due to their negative connotations while offering more complex insights into their perspectives on Muslim women, authority, and identity.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document