Border Permeability and the State in Southeast Asia: Contraband and Regional Security

2001 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Tagliacozzo
Contexts ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-25
Author(s):  
Maryann Bylander

In the Southeast Asian context, legal status is ambiguous; it enlarges some risks while lessening others. As is true in many contexts across the Global South, while documentation clearly serves the interest of the state by offering them greater control over migrant bodies, it is less clear that it serves the goals, needs, and well-being of migrants.


2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Antonio P. Contreras

This paper inquires into the implications of the different discursive imaginations on civil societies and the state from the perspective of the social sciences, particularly political science and international relations. It focuses on some interfaces and tensions that exist between civil society on one hand, and the state and its bureaucratic instrumentalities on the other, particularly in the domain of environment and natural resources governance in the context of new regionalisms and of alternative concepts of human security. There is now a new context for regionalism in Southeast Asia, not only among state structures, such as the ASEAN and the various Mekong bodies, but also among local civil societies coming from the region. It is in this context that issues confronting local communities are given a new sphere for interaction, as well as a new platform for engaging state structures and processes. This paper illustrates how dynamic are the possibilities for non-state domains for transnational interactions, particularly in the context of the emerging environmental regionalism. This occurs despite the dominance of neo-realist political theorizing, and the state-centric nature of international interactions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Herdi Sahrasad ◽  
Al Chaidar ◽  
M. Akmal ◽  
Saifullah Ali ◽  
Nanda Amalia ◽  
...  

<p>Southeast Asia is a region that is vulnerable to terrorism. Of the total terrorism cases that occurred in the world, 50 percents occurred in this region. Mindanao is one of the regions in Southeast Asia that since a long time ago has been the basis of world-class terrorism. This situation is getting worse due to the presence of terrorist groups with a strong tradition of maritime piracy. The nexus between terrorism and piracy makes the issue of maritime terrorism in Southeast Asia a regional security concern. Abu Sayyaf Group is a terrorist group in the Southern Philippines that is very well-known but difficult to map. This makes the Abu Sayyaf a source of prolonged tension in the Southern Philippines in particular and in the Southeast Asia region in general. This study is a field observation that uses descriptive analysis to reveal the details of the Abu Sayyaf and the issue of terrorism in Mindanao.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan Slater

AbstractDictatorships are every bit as institutionally diverse as democracies, but where does this variation come from? This article argues that different types of internal rebellion influence the emergence of different types of authoritarian regimes. The critical question is whether rebel forces primarily seek to seize state power or to escape it. Regional rebellions seeking toescapethe state raise the probability of a military-dominated authoritarian regime, since they are especially likely to unify the military while heightening friction between civilian and military elites. Leftist rebellions seeking toseizethe state are more likely to give rise to civilian-dominated dictatorships by inspiring ‘joint projects’ in which military elites willingly support party-led authoritarian rule. Historical case studies of Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam illustrate the theory, elaborating how different types of violent conflict helped produce different types of dictatorships across the breadth of mainland and island Southeast Asia during the Cold War era.


Author(s):  
Melissa Crouch

This article explores the ways Islam is recognized by the state in Southeast Asia, along with the scholarly debates that have arisen in response to these Islam-state configurations. It begins with an overview of the work of Professor M. B. Hooker, a pioneer of the field of comparative law in Southeast Asia, especially his study of Islamic law. It then considers how scholars have addressed the regulation and institutionalization of Islam in Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, and Singapore as well as the tensions and armed conflict between Muslim minorities and the state in Thailand and the Philippines, while largely overlooking Muslim minorities of Myanmar. Finally, it discusses the ongoing challenge of advocating for the importance of the study and contribution of Islamic law in Southeast Asia to the broader field of Islamic legal studies.


Author(s):  
Neil Khor ◽  
Matt Benson

Chapter 3 provided several examples of the planning and management of urban heritage areas and their resources. This chapter describes the experience of George Town, where the government directed a top-down planning exercise, as expected of a World Heritage property. The process had significant government attention and investment, both financial and technical. The island of Penang in northern Malaysia (Figure 4.2) has hosted a strong tourism industry since the 1970s when the state government decided to develop the tourism industry to complement local manufacturing, as part of a strategy to generate jobs. This policy resulted in the development of the island’s north coast as beachside resorts, which until the mid-1990s made Penang a top tourism destination. This beachside resort model was copied widely throughout Southeast Asia, resulting in competition from neighbouring countries, including Thailand and Indonesia. Meanwhile, Penang’s own appeal was undermined, however, by over-development and pollution.


World Affairs ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 182 (4) ◽  
pp. 350-369
Author(s):  
Chung-li Wu ◽  
Alex Min-Wei Lin

The election of Donald Trump has injected new uncertainties into the conduct of U.S. foreign affairs in Asia. For Taiwan, regional security is challenging because it must simultaneously deal with an increasingly belligerent China and an America led by the unconventional Trump. Based on public opinion data, this study analyzes how the Taiwanese public perceives the state of U.S.–Taiwan relations, and how certain they are about America’s overall commitment to Taiwan in this era. Results indicate that people in their 20s, pan-Green partisans, and those favoring Taiwan independence perceive U.S.–Taiwan relations to be better under President Trump. Moreover, supporters of the pan-Green coalition and of Taiwan independence, together with the more “ambivalent” respondents, likewise feel more certain about America’s commitment to Taiwan’s security. On the contrary, pan-Blue partisans and Taiwanese citizens with mainland Chinese ethnicity are generally more pessimistic and skeptical about U.S.–Taiwan ties and partnership with Trump in the White House.


Author(s):  
See Seng Tan

This chapter examines extant understandings of sovereignty as responsibility, beginning with the idea of sovereign responsibility as conceptualised by Francis Deng and his collaborators, who contend that sovereignty can no longer be seen as a protection against interference, but as a charge of responsibility where the state is accountable to both domestic and external constituencies. The understanding is foundational to the thinking behind the 2001 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) report, which introduced the responsibility to protect (R2P) with the aim to popularise the concept of humanitarian intervention and democracy-restoring intervention. Since its endorsement by the United Nations, the R2P has evolved through efforts by the UN and others to enhance, operationalise as well as to implement it in actual crisis situations – with varying degrees of success and in some instances not without controversy. The chapter discusses the relevance of the sovereignty as responsibility idea to Southeast Asia. It also examines the existing academic and policy debate over the R2P and its relevance to international security and sovereign responsibility, as well as its ambivalent reception in Southeast Asia.


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