scholarly journals ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 1

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 32-40
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  

The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Giselle Bosse ◽  
Moritz Höpner ◽  
Alena Vieira

Abstract In bilateral relations and negotiations with the European Union (EU), smaller and economically weaker states are often unable to express their national preferences. Despite their limited bargaining power, however, some Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries obtained significant concessions from the EU. This article analyzes the factors that explain EaP states’ unexpected negotiation success in the context of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with Ukraine, the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Armenia, and enhanced economic partnership with Belarus. We identify negotiation strategies that are crucial to understanding of the puzzle.


Author(s):  
Serhii Feduniak

The author analyzes subregional projects that could add dynamics to the process of European integration in the situation of substantial conceptual and institutional crisis of the European Union what directly affects the efficience of implementation of the EU projects (Eastern Partnership). Here the aurhor means reload and activation of the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM and conceptualization the Baltic-Black See Union as isntitutional instruments of sub-regional stability in the context of deep crisis of Euroipean security. The consequences of sub-regional instutitutionalization for the EU and its prograns will be complex and multi-dimention. Firstly, there will be the rise of stability and security on the EU eastern flank as a compensation for its non-sufficient security elements as well as NATO low readiness for Russian threat. As soon as activation of Russian neo-imperial revisionism seriously undermines the EU Eastern Partnership Program and hampers the integration of the post-soviet states into the European and Euro-Atlantic in stitutions, establishment of both above-mentioned institutions will give a serious integration impuls for the European civilization and acceleration of the appearance of new wave of the EU members. The other result of institution building will be development of transport and logistic infastructure in the context of the implementationa bilateral EU-China trans continental projects resulting the growth of the EU poterntial as a leading global economic and political player. It is proved that ODED-GUAM and the Baltic-Black Sea Union could become substantial factors of the support of the European Union in whole and its Eastern Partnership Program particularly in case substantial work is being made by the interested states. But the main precondition of the activation pf sub-regional projects is political will and startegic interests of western elites. Keywords: European Union, EU Eastern Partnership, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM, Baltic-Black Sea Union, subregional integration.


Author(s):  
Boris P. Guseletov ◽  
◽  

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.


Author(s):  
Vadim V. Trukhachev ◽  

Austria was one of the countries that played an important role in the development of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program, that is aimed at the rapproachment of six post-Soviet states closer to European Union. In addition to promoting the program at the national level, that is strongly associated with the name of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, the Austrians were also responsible for it at the EU level. Suffice it to say that the Austrians Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Johannes Hahn held the positions of European commis- sioners responsible for foreign and neighborhood policy of the European Union for many years. In 2018, Austria was the EU Presidency, and the promotion of the Eastern Partnership has become one of the priorities of the Austrian pres- idency. Especially noteworthy is the role of Austria in the settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, where the Austrians acted on the line of not only the European Union, but also the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the special representative of the Organization for the Donbas became the Austrian Martin Sajdik. In addition, Austria did a lot for the devel- opment of relations between the European Union and Belarus. In general, the share of Austrian responsibility for the successes and failures of the develop- ment of relations between the European Union and the six post-Soviet states of the Eastern Partnership program should be recognized as very significant.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 139-154
Author(s):  
Olga Lazorkina

Belarus – Hungary: pattern of interaction in the conditions of asymmetric associations The article focuses on bilateral relations between the Republic of Belarus and Hungary in the context of their membership in the Eurasian Economic Union and the European Union. The author made an attempt to define the model of bilateral cooperation between states limited in their actions by membership in regional associations. The features of the development of political dialogue, which was formed under the influence of the national vision and approaches of the EU as a whole, are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the regional format of relations within the Visegrad Group, CEI and the „Eastern Partnership” initiative. The analysis current state of trade and economic cooperation between Belarus and Hungary is made. The author identifies the strengths and weaknesses of relations, and outlines perspective spheres of cooperation. The active phase of relations between Belarus and Hungary began in the 2000-s, when the parties finally decided on the vectors of their foreign policy. The launch of the „Eastern Partnership” initiative has played a decisive role in the development of political dialogue and economic cooperation on an ongoing basis. Bilateral relations between Belarus and Hungary are an example for building a model of interaction that is not burdened by a common historical past and based on pragmatism. The fairly active political dialogue between the two countries is based on an economic component. In parallel, the parties actively declare the primacy of national interests over collective ones – the EU and the EAEU. At the same time, the analysis indicates, membership in regional associations significantly limits the possibilities of their implementation in practice. This especially affects the trade and economic sphere of interaction. These factors determine the cyclical nature of relations between Belarus and Hungary. Thus, the bilateral format of cooperation within the framework of asymmetric associations is a sufficiently effective mechanism for the development of a full-fledged dialogue. At the same time, it is important to understand that the political component is secondary to the economic one. This approach allows the parties not to overestimate expectations and to develop mutually beneficial, equal relationships based on pragmatism and real opportunities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (113) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tserennadmid Chuluunbaatar

This article discusses the origins and development of political parties in the Republic of Turkey, the political forces in Turkey during Ataturk's period, and the political turmoil in Turkey during the second half of the XX century. The article includes detailed research on the struggle for the survival, in some cases, the forced closure of certain political parties and groups in Turkey, a country with a distinctive Islamic and Western oriented society. In this regards, this article aims to explain in detail, how the method of operation was followed, what political parties and groups have been emerged, what positions do they occupy in the political system, how did they affect social and political spheres, structure, organizational characteristics of Turkey. The topic was selected explore the following facts and factors: at first, to show the reasons and historical circumstances of the formation of the first political party, to identify the role and places of parties in the political and social life, thirdly, to clarify the reasons for the formation of a multi-party system; Fourth, it sets out the specifics of the development of major political parties in Turkey since 1990s. Бүгд Найрамдах Турк Улс дахь улс төрийн намын үүсэл, хөгжил Хураангуй: Энэхүү өгүүлэлд Бүгд Найрамдах Турк улс (БНТУ) дахь улс төрийн намуудын үүсэл, хөгжлийн талаар тэр дундаа Бүгд Найрамдах улс байгуулсан цаг үе буюу дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд М.К.Ататуркээр удирдуулсан улс төрийн хүчнээс гадна үзэл, хандлагаараа ялгаатай нийгмийн бүлгүүд үүсэж, оршин байхын төлөө тэмцэж, зарим тохиолдолд хүчээр хаагдах хүртэл олон үйл явдал өрнөсөн, өвөрмөц үеийг сонгон судлахыг зорив.Исламын шашинтай боловч барууны чиг баримжаатай хөгжлийн зам сонгосон Турк улсын хувьд чухамхүү улс төрийн нам, олон намын тогтолцоо бүрэлдэн бий болсон түүхэн үйл явцтай холбогдох архив болон судалгааны мэдээлэл түлхүү ашиглалаа.Ингэхдээ БНТУ-ын түүхийн чухам хэдий үед улс төрийн ямар нам, бүлэг бий болж, дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд ямар байр суурь эзэлж, хэрхэн нөлөөлж, ямар нийгмийн бааз суурь, бүтэц бүрэлдэхүүн, зохион байгуулалтын шинж төрх, улс төрийн үйл ажиллагааны арга хэлбэрийг мөрдөж байсан талаар тайлбарлалаа.Сэдвийг сонгож авахдаа: нэгдүгээрт, Турк улсад сонгодог утгаараа улс төрийн анхны нам үүссэн шалтгаан, түүхэн нөхцөлийг харуулах, хоёрдугаарт, ХХ зууны Туркийн улс төрийн намын үйл ажиллагааг зохицуулж байсан хууль, эрх зүйн орчны онцлогийг харуулах гуравдугаарт, олон намын тогтолцоо үүсэн, бүрэлдсэн нөхцөлийг тодотгох, дөрөвдүгээрт, 1990 оноос хойших Туркийн улс төрийн намын тогтолцооны төлөвшил, онцлогийг харуулах зорилтуудыг дэвшүүлсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: Улс төрийн нам, үзэл суртал, хөгжлийн хандлага, сэтгэлгээний түүх, түүхийн үечлэл


Author(s):  
Elena Parubochaya ◽  
◽  
Anna Prygunkova ◽  

Introduction. Due to the destabilization of the situation in the countries of the South Caucasus in 2020, the region is of particular relevance today. At the present stage, it is an object of geopolitical competition for numerous international actors: the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the European Union, the Republic of Turkey. The article examines the EU policy in the process of implementing the Eastern Partnership program as part of the European political strategy. In relation to the South Caucasus region, the interim results of the EU’s activities on the implementation of 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to the states of the South Caucasus are analyzed. Methods. Comparative analysis makes it possible to give a comprehensive assessment of European policy in the region by identifying priority areas and development prospects by comparing the intermediate results of 20 deliverables for 2020 in the South Caucasus countries within the framework of their bilateral relations with the EU. Analysis. The analysis of the activities of the European Union in relation to the South Caucasus countries is associated with the determination of the prospects for the development of the European strategy in the region. The analysis included tracking the dynamics of the implementation of the 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, as well as options for developing a European strategy in the South Caucasus countries, taking into account the new policy in the context of the Eastern Partnership beyond 2020. Results. As a result of the analysis, the EU’s competitive advantages in the South Caucasus were determined by identifying areas in which the EU’s geopolitical interests intersect with other actors.


Author(s):  
M. Svietlakova

At the beginning of the ХХІ century, the European Union, particularly its states parties faced a number of complex and unresolved issues. One of the important manifestations of political change that took place in some EU countries was the evolution of party systems. Due to the active globalization processes and the urgent problems facing Europe, it can be asserted that the European party system is currently degrading. Recently, during the years of crisis (economic, migration, political, etc.) there took place a rundown of political parties and a loss of parties’ influence on various local organizations, and most importantly on the electorate. A characteristic feature of the changes that took place in the established political configurations was a clear-cut disruption of party coordinates. The classic division into the right, the left and the centrists proves this. However, in reality it remained, basically, only in the ideological software of the parties. At the same time, the real political course of the party space’s main subjects became less and less conveyed. In truth, this character separates the leading political forces of modern Europe into two directions. Firstly, these parties proclaim to find a way out of the crisis by any means in their activities and at the same time improve the system of integration and globalization relations. In particular, in the scientific community (conservatives, liberals, etc.) they are called traditional parties. Secondly, there is another party side in which ideological and political criteria are expressed more explicitly. There are radical socialists who are dissatisfied with the current social structure of the (modern) state; radical nationalists who oppose the immigration component in modern European life; and separatists who excoriate EU regional strategy. All these points are actively supported by parties that have been defined as anti-systemic by the scientific community.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-119

This article aims at analyzing the key results and future prospects of the Eastern Partnership program of the European Union. Usually the criticism toward this initiative is based on two arguments: allegedly, it was the assertiveness of the EU which contributed to the Ukrainian crisis and increased a conflict potential with Russia. Besides, in the end, Brussels was not able to deliver more in terms of Ukrainian, Moldovan and Georgian integration into the EU and to counterbalance the Russian foreign policy in the region. The author argues that the Eastern Partnership, driven by the “constitutive power of outsiders”, was an adequate answer to the socio-political changes which have occurred in East European countries. It gave them an opportunity, based on the principle of “more for more”, to include themselves in internal EU regimes without formal accession. On the other hand, the Eastern Partnership is currently facing two main challenges: Russian reaction to EU association agreements with Eastern neighbours as well as disintegration and corruption of the elites. Despite some disappointment of the Euro-enthusiasts and the devastating economic crisis in the region, it is still preserving the pro-European orientation and working on the association agenda. But, in the context of substantial problems with corruption, Brussels has now to apply the policy of “sticks” in order to discipline (and not only support or encourage) the neighbourhood countries.


Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kaczorowska

The book by Luciano Bardi, Wojciech Gagatek, Carine Germond, Karl Magnus Johansson, Wolfram Keiser, Silvia Sassano, „The European Ambition. The Group of the European People’s Party and European Integration” is the result of the six authors’ cooperation and research on the evolution and activities of the Christian Democratic Group (CD) and then the European People’s Party (EPP). It constitutes a contribution to a series of publications analyzing the evolution of the European political groupings and their unique influence on the politics and development of the European Union. In the first part of the work, Wolfram Keiser characterizes the genesis, nature and evolution of the CD/EPP Group. In this chapter, author does not shy away from showing the political and historical background of the decisions made by the EPP. In the second chapter we find an in-depth analysis of the impact that the EPP had on the development of further institutional reforms and preparation of the EU treaties, including an exceptional impact on the constitutionalization and strengthening of the position of the European Parliament (EP). Carine Germond in the third part analyzes the role of the Group in creating and conducting policy within the European Union. She chose four most important areas: economic and monetary policy, social, ecological/environmental and agricultural policy for her analysis. Chapter four offers considerations on the impact and shaping of another important sphere – the EU’s external relations, including foreign security and defense, trade (including foreign trade), development policy and finally the EU enlargement policy. In chapter five, Luciano Bardi deals with the EPP from the perspective a political party and its influence on the development of the European party system. He placed the analysis of the EPP’s position as a key actor on the European Parliament’s party scene in the context of the EPP’s role in relations with EU institutions, in the foreground with the EP, but also with the Commission and the European Council. The work is based on the analysis of program documents, election manifestos of one of the most important political groups at the pan-European level, which have still the greatest influence on political decisions made in the EU. It must be stressed, this is valuable and very interesting work, and the reader will certainly not be disappointed with this publication.


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