scholarly journals The European Union’s Strategy for the South Caucasus Countries Within the Eastern Partnership Program: 20 Deliverables for 2020

Author(s):  
Elena Parubochaya ◽  
◽  
Anna Prygunkova ◽  

Introduction. Due to the destabilization of the situation in the countries of the South Caucasus in 2020, the region is of particular relevance today. At the present stage, it is an object of geopolitical competition for numerous international actors: the Russian Federation, the United States of America, the European Union, the Republic of Turkey. The article examines the EU policy in the process of implementing the Eastern Partnership program as part of the European political strategy. In relation to the South Caucasus region, the interim results of the EU’s activities on the implementation of 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to the states of the South Caucasus are analyzed. Methods. Comparative analysis makes it possible to give a comprehensive assessment of European policy in the region by identifying priority areas and development prospects by comparing the intermediate results of 20 deliverables for 2020 in the South Caucasus countries within the framework of their bilateral relations with the EU. Analysis. The analysis of the activities of the European Union in relation to the South Caucasus countries is associated with the determination of the prospects for the development of the European strategy in the region. The analysis included tracking the dynamics of the implementation of the 20 deliverables for 2020 in relation to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, as well as options for developing a European strategy in the South Caucasus countries, taking into account the new policy in the context of the Eastern Partnership beyond 2020. Results. As a result of the analysis, the EU’s competitive advantages in the South Caucasus were determined by identifying areas in which the EU’s geopolitical interests intersect with other actors.

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-426
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

Following the enlargement of the Union, new neighbours in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus became of great importance for the stability of Europe, which is why the EU formulated the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. Bearing in mind that Russia views this area as a sphere of its own influence, its policy has become of great importance as well as its reactions to the Union?s initiatives in this region. This geopolitical context of the Eastern Partnership became apparent with the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis. In addition to the indicated limits of an often technocratic approach to the EU, the crisis has clearly shown there is a conflict of objectives of the European Union and the Russian Federation in the common neighbourhood and raised the issue of the security and geopolitical implications of this initiative. Also, the policies and interests of the European Union and the Russian Federation affect not only Ukraine but to a greater or lesser extent the development of opportunities in all other countries involved in the EU's Eastern Partnership - Georgia, Moldova, Belarus, Armenia, and Azerbaijan.


Author(s):  
P. A. Barakhvostov

The paper gives an in-depth analysis of the evolution of the EU policy towards the South Caucasus within the framework of the Eastern Partnership. It is amply demonstrated that in 2009-2016 the goal was a Europeanization as a creation of a favorable external environment for the European Union through a sweeping judiciary, economic and political transformation in the region carried out according to the European standards. Among the key objectives of the European Union policy is the maintenance of energy security by means of creating an alternative transport corridor for fossil fuels. The study underscores that the implementation of the Eastern Partnership in 2009-2013 revealed significant discrepancies in the speed and degree of Europeanization in the South Caucasus countries due to their socio-economic peculiarities. Such uneven transformation reflects the long-standing search for an optimum way of cooperation with the European Union. This complex multi-aspect and long-term process constitutes an integral part of the effort to grasp new national and regional identities made by post-Soviet states. The paper thoroughly analyses the distinctive features of the new EU foreign policy strategy characterized by a differentiated approach to each country. Instead of the former irreciprocal statement of prerequisites for cooperation, such an approach paves the way for meaningful bilateral dialogue between the partners and furthers integration just to the extent they are ready for. Yet, it is shown that this strategy preserved the faults of the former EU regional policy towards the post-Soviet space. They include inconsistency, vague objectives, and emphasis on the geopolitical confrontation with Russia. However, in order to promote the stable development of the region, the EU needs to rethink its foreign policy strategy and come up with a modernized framework of cooperation that would take into account the interests of all concerned parties, including the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Serhii Feduniak

The author analyzes subregional projects that could add dynamics to the process of European integration in the situation of substantial conceptual and institutional crisis of the European Union what directly affects the efficience of implementation of the EU projects (Eastern Partnership). Here the aurhor means reload and activation of the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM and conceptualization the Baltic-Black See Union as isntitutional instruments of sub-regional stability in the context of deep crisis of Euroipean security. The consequences of sub-regional instutitutionalization for the EU and its prograns will be complex and multi-dimention. Firstly, there will be the rise of stability and security on the EU eastern flank as a compensation for its non-sufficient security elements as well as NATO low readiness for Russian threat. As soon as activation of Russian neo-imperial revisionism seriously undermines the EU Eastern Partnership Program and hampers the integration of the post-soviet states into the European and Euro-Atlantic in stitutions, establishment of both above-mentioned institutions will give a serious integration impuls for the European civilization and acceleration of the appearance of new wave of the EU members. The other result of institution building will be development of transport and logistic infastructure in the context of the implementationa bilateral EU-China trans continental projects resulting the growth of the EU poterntial as a leading global economic and political player. It is proved that ODED-GUAM and the Baltic-Black Sea Union could become substantial factors of the support of the European Union in whole and its Eastern Partnership Program particularly in case substantial work is being made by the interested states. But the main precondition of the activation pf sub-regional projects is political will and startegic interests of western elites. Keywords: European Union, EU Eastern Partnership, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development GUAM, Baltic-Black Sea Union, subregional integration.


Author(s):  
Boris P. Guseletov ◽  
◽  

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.


Author(s):  
Vadim V. Trukhachev ◽  

Austria was one of the countries that played an important role in the development of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program, that is aimed at the rapproachment of six post-Soviet states closer to European Union. In addition to promoting the program at the national level, that is strongly associated with the name of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, the Austrians were also responsible for it at the EU level. Suffice it to say that the Austrians Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Johannes Hahn held the positions of European commis- sioners responsible for foreign and neighborhood policy of the European Union for many years. In 2018, Austria was the EU Presidency, and the promotion of the Eastern Partnership has become one of the priorities of the Austrian pres- idency. Especially noteworthy is the role of Austria in the settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, where the Austrians acted on the line of not only the European Union, but also the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the special representative of the Organization for the Donbas became the Austrian Martin Sajdik. In addition, Austria did a lot for the devel- opment of relations between the European Union and Belarus. In general, the share of Austrian responsibility for the successes and failures of the develop- ment of relations between the European Union and the six post-Soviet states of the Eastern Partnership program should be recognized as very significant.


This volume is timely in that it explores key issues which are currently at the forefront of the EU’s relations with its eastern neighbours. It considers the impact of a more assertive Russia, the significance of Turkey, the limitations of the Eastern Partnership with Belarus and Moldova, the position of a Ukraine in crisis and pulled between Russia and the EU, security and democracy in the South Caucasus. It looks at the contested nature of European identity in areas such as the Balkans. In addition it looks at ways in which the EU’s interests and values can be tested in sectors such as trade and migration. The interplay between values, identity and interests and their effect on the interpretation of europeanisation between the EU and its neighbours is a core theme of the volume.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-119

This article aims at analyzing the key results and future prospects of the Eastern Partnership program of the European Union. Usually the criticism toward this initiative is based on two arguments: allegedly, it was the assertiveness of the EU which contributed to the Ukrainian crisis and increased a conflict potential with Russia. Besides, in the end, Brussels was not able to deliver more in terms of Ukrainian, Moldovan and Georgian integration into the EU and to counterbalance the Russian foreign policy in the region. The author argues that the Eastern Partnership, driven by the “constitutive power of outsiders”, was an adequate answer to the socio-political changes which have occurred in East European countries. It gave them an opportunity, based on the principle of “more for more”, to include themselves in internal EU regimes without formal accession. On the other hand, the Eastern Partnership is currently facing two main challenges: Russian reaction to EU association agreements with Eastern neighbours as well as disintegration and corruption of the elites. Despite some disappointment of the Euro-enthusiasts and the devastating economic crisis in the region, it is still preserving the pro-European orientation and working on the association agenda. But, in the context of substantial problems with corruption, Brussels has now to apply the policy of “sticks” in order to discipline (and not only support or encourage) the neighbourhood countries.


Publications ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Mauro G. Carta ◽  
Matthias C. Angermeyer ◽  
Silvano Tagliagambe

The purpose is to verify trends of scientific production from 2010 to 2020, considering the best universities of the United States, China, the European Union (EU), and private companies. The top 30 universities in 2020 in China, the EU, and the US and private companies were selected from the SCImago institutions ranking (SIR). The positions in 2020, 2015, and 2010 in SIR and three sub-indicators were analyzed by means of non-parametric statistics, taking into consideration the effect of time and group on rankings. American and European Union universities have lost positions to Chinese universities and even more to private companies, which have improved. In 2020, private companies have surpassed all other groups considering Innovation as a sub-indicator. The loss of leadership of European and partly American universities mainly concerns research linked to the production of patents. This can lead to future risks of monopoly that may elude public control and cause a possible loss of importance of research not linked to innovation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jong-Sue Lee

North Korea conducted 2nd nuclear test on May 25, 2009. It made a vicious circle and continued military tension on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea regime got a question on the effectiveness of the six party talks and ‘security-economy exchange model’. In addition, the North Korea probably disappointed about the North Korea issue has been excluded from the Obama administration's policy position. So the dialogue or relationship recovery with the United States and North Korea through six-party talks or bilateral talks will be difficult for the time being. This paper examines the EU policy on North Korea. Based on the results, analyzes the EU is likely to act as a balancer on the Korean Peninsula. Through the procedure of deepening and expanding the economic and political unification, the EU utilizes their cooperative policies towards North Korea as an ideal opportunity to realize their internal value and to confirm the commonness within the EU members. The acceleration of the EU's unification, however, began to focus on human rights, and this made their official relationship worse. Yet, the EU is continuously providing food as wells as humanitarian and technological support to North Korea regardless of the ongoing nuclear and human rights issues in North Korea. Also, the number of multinational corporations investing in North Korea for the purpose of preoccupying resources and key industries at an individual nation's level has been increasing. The European Union has unique structure which should follow the way of solving the problem of member states like subsidiary principle. It appears to conflict between normative power of the European Union and strategic interests on member states. This paper examines if the European Union is useful tool to complement Korea-US cooperation in the near future.


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