PUBLIC HEALTH, NURSING, MEDICAL SOCIAL WORK

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1955 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-415
Author(s):  
Elizabeth H. Laidlaw

THE PROBLEM that we have solved in the Tucson Schools in the last 3 years by means of the Revolving Health Fund of our Health Council, is one which, though definitely characteristic of Tucson, may also exist in other cities in the United States; consequently, we offer our solution in the hope that there may be other communities with the same types of problems who might benefit from our experiences. The problem is that of the financing of medical care for indigent children whose families cannot afford to pay a private doctor, yet whose income possibilities or resident and citizenship qualifications, do not entitle them to welfare aid or state and county medical care. In larger cities there are usually clinics available to such medical indigents at a low fee, and social workers to determine eligibility for this service. But, in Tucson (and possibly in some other cities which have grown up rapidly under similar circumstances) the situation is somewhat unusual in certain respects, and it is because of these peculiar characteristics that we have had to evolve a plan tailored to meet our individual problem. In solving this problem our Health Council has found it necessary to function not only as a coordinating and planning agency in the conventional sense, but also as an operating agency.

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1950 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 357-361

GEOGRAPHIC variation in the incidence of poliomyelitis is not well understood and many of the factors involved have not been properly evaluated. A large scale study of two important phases of this problem has recently been reported by Alexander G. Gilliam, Fay M. Hemphill and Jean H. Gerende (Pub. Health Rep. 64:1575 and 1584, 1949). These investigators studied the reported incidence of poliomyelitis in all the 3,095 counties in the United States and analyzed the data chiefly from the standpoint of variations in average annual incidence and the frequency with which epidemics recurred in a given locality. The problem is complicated, as in many other diseases, by lack of a generally available specific diagnostic test. There is usually little question about the manifest cases with paralysis. Abortive and nonparalytic cases, however, constitute a large variable. In any large scale epidemiologic study one is forced to rely on reports of cases as received by the health authority. While there is provision for correcting these reports if subsequent events cause a change in diagnosis it is obvious that in any locality interest and awareness will largely determine the number of cases reported when there is no paralysis. "It appears necessary to emphasize that in most States in this country no distinction is made between paralytic and nonparalytic poliomyelitis in cases officially reported.


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kari Glavin ◽  
Marjorie A. Schaffer ◽  
Liv Halvorsrud ◽  
Lisbeth Gravdal Kvarme

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 532-533

A GREATER proportion of births in the United States were delivered in hospitals or institutions in 1947 than in any previous year on record. The number of registered live births rose to a peak of 3,699,940 in 1947, according to a report by Surgeon General Leonard A. Scheele of the Public Health Service. At the same time the proportion occurring in hospitals reached a new high of 84.8%. An additional 10.1% of births in 1947 were attended by physicians outside of hospitals and only about 1 out of 20 births were delivered by a mid-wife or other nonphysician. Since 1935, the first year that data of this kind became available, the percentage of total births delivered in hospitals has more than doubled, rising from 36.9% in 1935 to 84.8% in 1947, according to the report. This increase has been accompanied by a reduction in the proportion of live births delivered by physicians outside of hospitals, from 50.6 in 1935 to 10.1% in 1947, as well as a decline in the percentage delivered by nonphysicians, from 12.5 in 1935 to 5.1% in 1947. The report shows significant progress in recent years in the use of medical and hospital facilities by both the white and nonwhite groups, and by both the urban and rural [See TABLE I in source PDF] population (see Table I). Considerable differences exist between these groups in the extent to which hospitals are used for confinements. In 1947, almost 9 in 10 of the white births occurred in hospitals as compared with about 1 in 2 of the nonwhite births. Only 1.5% of white births were attended by nonphysicians, but almost a third of the nonwhite births were delivered by midwives or other nonphysicians. The differences were less marked as between residents of urban and rural areas (see Table I).


Author(s):  
Yngvild Olsen ◽  
Joshua M. Sharfstein

What is misuse of opioids? Use of opioids outside of legitimate medical care is illegal in the United States. The medical and public health term for this is misuse. Misuse takes many forms and can involve stolen pills, counterfeit pills, bags of heroin, and...


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 845-849
Author(s):  
Barbara Baquero ◽  
Carmen Gonzalez ◽  
Magaly Ramirez ◽  
Erica Chavez Santos ◽  
India J. Ornelas

The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed, and intensified, health inequities faced by Latinx in the United States. Washington was one of the first U.S. states to report cases of COVID-19. Public health surveillance shows that 31% of Washington cases are Latinx, despite being only 13% of the state population. Unjust policies related to immigration, labor, housing, transportation, and education have contributed to both past and existing inequities. Approximately 20% of Latinx are uninsured, leading to delays in testing and medical care for COVID-19, and early reports indicated critical shortages in professional interpreters and multilingual telehealth options. Washington State is taking action to address some of these inequities. Applying a health equity framework, we describe key factors contributing to COVID-19–related health inequities among Latinx populations, and how Washington State has aimed to address these inequities. We draw on these experiences to make recommendations for other Latinx communities experiencing COVID-19 disparities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-450
Author(s):  
Midori Trojanowski ◽  
Emily Stanforth ◽  
Jane Hong ◽  
Robyn Khung ◽  
Paula V. Nersesian

2020 ◽  
Vol 110 (12) ◽  
pp. 1743-1748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Speer ◽  
J. Mac McCullough ◽  
Jonathan E. Fielding ◽  
Elinore Faustino ◽  
Steven M. Teutsch

Landmark reports from reputable sources have concluded that the United States wastes hundreds of billions of dollars every year on medical care that does not improve health outcomes. While there is widespread agreement over how wasteful medical care spending is defined, there is no consensus on its magnitude or categories. A shared understanding of the magnitude and components of the issue may aid in systematically reducing wasteful spending and creating opportunities for these funds to improve public health. To this end, we performed a review and crosswalk analysis of the literature to retrieve comprehensive estimates of wasteful medical care spending. We abstracted each source’s definitions, categories of waste, and associated dollar amounts. We synthesized and reclassified waste into 6 categories: clinical inefficiencies, missed prevention opportunities, overuse, administrative waste, excessive prices, and fraud and abuse. Aggregate estimates of waste varied from $600 billion to more than $1.9 trillion per year, or roughly $1800 to $5700 per person per year. Wider recognition by public health stakeholders of the human and economic costs of medical waste has the potential to catalyze health system transformation.


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