scholarly journals Public Deliberation in Russia: Deliberative Quality, Rationality and Interactivity of the Online Media Discussions

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Filatova ◽  
Yury Kabanov ◽  
Yuri Misnikov
Keyword(s):  
Hybrid Regimes ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Procedural Rule ◽  
Emerging Trends ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Validity Claims ◽  
Political Talk ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Deliberation research is now undergoing two emerging trends: deliberation is shifting from offline to online, as well as from an inherently democratic concept to the one applicable to less competitive regimes (He & Warren, 2011). The goal of this article is to study the peculiarities of deliberative practices in hybrid regimes, taking online discourse on the Russian anti-sanctions policy as a case. We use the Habermasian concept of basic validity claims to assess deliberation quality through the lens of argumentation and interactivity. Our findings suggest that deliberative practices can exist in non-competitive contexts and non-institutionalized digital spaces, in the form of intersubjective solidarities resulting from the everyday political talk among ordinary citizens. Such deliberations can be counted as argumentative discourses, although in a special, casual way—unlike the procedural rule-based debates. Generally, as in established liberal democracies, deliberation in Russia tends to attract like-minded participants. While the argumentative quality does not seem to vary across the discussion threads sample, the level of deliberative interactivity is higher on pro-government media, accompanied with the higher level of incivility. On the other hand, discourses on independent media are distinctively against the government policy of food destruction. The democratic value of such deliberations is unclear and might depend on the political allegiance and ownership of the media. Though some discourses can be considered democratic, their impact on decision-making remains minimal, which is a key constraint of deliberation.

Coverage of Government and Judiciary Relationship: A Study of Urdu and English Newspapers of Pakistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-139
Author(s):  
Behramand Durrani ◽  
◽  
Riffat Alam
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Research Study ◽  
Government Performance ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
One Year ◽  
The One ◽  
National Reconciliation

This present study analyzes the role played by the media during the controversy between Government of Pakistan and its Supreme Court in 2012. This study is particularly focused on the issues pertinent to the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) case. It employed content analysis as research study and quantitatively examined the columns in the Pakistani newspapers; including, Dawn and Daily Jang for the one year time period in the year 2012. A conflicting relationship has been found between the government and judiciary concerning the National reconciliation ordinance (NRO). It was concluded that Dawn and Daily Jang, both newspapers, follow the same agenda about the NRO issue as both of these newspapers offered negative coverage of this issue. Compared to Jang, Dawn was more inclined to the negative framing of judiciary, and Jang was inclined to the negative reporting of government performance. Hence, the Pakistani Print media has framed the issues negatively between the government and the judiciary. Frequent negative slants were observed in Urdu newspaper as compared to English newspaper.

scholarly journals The Role of Media in the Coverage of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPS) of Malakand Division (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa)

2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Dost Muhammad Yousafzai ◽  
Mehrunnisa
Keyword(s):  
Internally Displaced Persons ◽  
Displaced Persons ◽  
Military Operation ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Stability ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

The Taliban rule in Swat and the adjoining districts of Malakand Division was a major threat to the democratic stability of Pakistan. In consequence, the state had to mobilize the army and to curb militancy through force after all peaceful measures had failed. During the military operation, about 3 million people became IDPs (internally displaced persons) with no food and shelter. The only means of bringing the problems of the IDPs to the notice of public was possible only through media. The present research study is undertaken to highlight the role of media mainly the print in representing the IDPs, the language they used to describe the events and the experience of senior journalists (Bureau Chiefs) in the field. The study concludes that media performed in a commendable way to highlight the problems of IDPs, to glorify the army and to downplay the anti-state narrative of the Taliban. Further, it is found that despite all efforts, the media personnel felt torn between the various sides' expectations. On the one hand, they were pressed hard by the government and the IDPs to give them more coverage while the militants would also issue threats to them in case their views were not properly.

scholarly journals Media Consumption of Cultural and Educational Content: Modern Realities

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 229-237
Author(s):  
E. A. Sayko ◽  
◽  
O. V. Shlykova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Leisure Activities ◽  
Media Culture ◽  
Educational Content ◽  
Internet Resources ◽  
Internet Users ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Media Space ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One

The article examines the dynamics of media culture in relation to modern trends in media and digital consumption of cultural and educational content in Russia. The emphasis is placed on the demand for books and reading in the everyday culture of Russians (including audio and electronic versions of books on Internet resources). Everything that is outside the media space practically does not exist for many Internet users — there is only what is “read”, mastered in a media format today. The literary preferences of our contemporaries during the pandemic are considered in the article in relation to popular forms of leisure, taking into account the influence of digitalization processes. Attention is drawn to the fact that, on the one hand, there are processes of activating the use of open resources, on the other — the production of a new type of content of cultural and leisure activities and social interaction. This is evidenced by the indicators of consumption of digital educational resources and services, online podcasts, broadcasts in the context of a pandemic.

scholarly journals SALT AND SOVEREIGNTY IN COLONIAL BURMA

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
JAGJEET LALLY
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
British India ◽  
Administrative Capacity ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The Government ◽  
Fiscal Administration ◽  
The One ◽  
Knowledge Deficits

Abstract Across monsoon Asia, salt is of such vital necessity that controlling its production or supply has historically been connected to the establishment and expression of political authority. On the one hand, rulers maintained the allegiance of their subjects by ensuring their access to salt of suitable price and sufficient quantity. On the other hand, denying rebels their salt was a strategy of conquest and pacification, while the necessity of salt meant it could reliably be taxed to raise state finances. This article first sets out this connection of salt and sovereignty, then examining it in the context of colonial Burma, a province of British India from its annexation until its ‘divorce’ in 1935 (effected in 1937), and thus subject to the Government of India's salt monopoly. Focusing on salt brings into view two aspects of the state (while also permitting analysis of ‘Upper Burma’, which remains rather marginal in the scholarly literature). First, the everyday state and quotidian practices constitutive of its sovereignty, which was negotiated and contested where indigenes were able to exploit the chinks in the state's administrative capacity and its knowledge deficits. Second, in turn, the lumpy topography of state power. The state not only failed to restrict salt production to the extent it desired (with the intention that indigenes would rely on imported salt, whose supply was easier to control and thus tax), but conceded to a highly complex fiscal administration, the variegations in which reflected the uneven distribution in state power – thicker in the delta and thinnest in the uplands.

scholarly journals On the hegemonic power of the pandemic discourse

2021 ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Richard J. Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Pharmaceutical Companies ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Rapid Spread ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The Media ◽  
Proximate Causes ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Health Experts

The paper claims that corona discourse is here to stay. The pandemic has achieved hegemony over humanity. The everyday discourse patterns that from the start were packed with medical and epidemiological terms and phrases have come to stay. And epidemiology has become in no uncertain terms the new hegemony. What has happened brings to mind Gramsci’s idea of hegemony which captures and imprisons us. One section looks at how the UK government dealt with the pandemic. Some aspects have been underplayed by the government from the start of the pandemic. One is how COVID-19 has affected certain socio-economic groups and professions differently. What the majority of the media comments on COVID-19 and the measures being taken, such as the just quoted UK politicians and experts are involved in, lack is a bigger picture. Their attention is focused on immediate problems and proximate causes. The effects of the pandemic on people’s lives are briefly analyzed. The rapid vaccine production and rollout have changed the situation. At the same time, the emergence and rapid spread of new variants have demonstrated what global health experts warned all along: that none of us is safe until everyone is safe. Subsequent sections discuss, firstly, the focus on molecular biology and the neglect of the broader eco-social frame within which such viruses develop. Secondly, the failure to prepare for the current pandemic is alluded to. A significant issue concerning the role of the European Union and the pharmaceutical companies like AstraZeneca in the delivery of vaccines is discussed. Attempts and actions to counteract the hegemonic control are outlined. The discussion of the situation of COVID-19 within the broader context of environmental disintegration rounds off the paper.

scholarly journals Defamation Laws and Practice in the Age of Internet in Albania

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Leka
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Judicial Corruption ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

The picture of recent legal developments concerning defamation in Albania is mixed. On the one hand, several criminal defamation and insult statuteshave been abolishedsince 2012, following strong lobbying of human rights organizations. On the other, the application of criminal defamation laws has not stopped, while government officials and other high profile persons have discovered the power of civil defamation claims. Faced with intense criticism, the government has tried to re-introduce the abolished criminal defamation laws and has faced the same strong opposition and international outcry. In the meantime, defamation claims or threats thereof are routinely being used against the media or against the political opponent for the only purposes of creating tension and diffusing the attention of the public. The vagueness of the laws and the inconsistencies of judicial interpretation, helped in no little measure by judicial corruption and the political control of the judiciary, have widened the gap between constitutional and international guarantees of the freedom of speech and the actual enforcement of those guarantees. This article will briefly expose the history of defamation laws in Albania, the difficulties of their application, and the status of affairs concerning defamation laws and claims.

SCIENTISTS, THE PUBLIC, THE STATE, AND THE DEBATE OVER THE ENVIRONMENTAL AND HUMAN HEALTH EFFECTS OF NUCLEAR TESTING IN BRITAIN, 1950–1958

2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 221-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPH LAUCHT
Keyword(s):  
Human Health ◽  
Health Effects ◽  
The State ◽  
Nuclear Testing ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ambivalent Relationship ◽  
The One ◽  
Human Health Effects

ABSTRACTThis article uses the debate over environmental and human health effects of nuclear testing to shed light on the ambivalent relationship between scientists, the public, and the state in Britain during the crucial, but often overlooked, period leading up to the first cycle of anti-nuclear weapons mass protests. In this, it examines how members of Britain's main organization of nuclear scientists – the Atomic Scientists’ Association (ASA) – used their expertise in their engagement with both the public and the state to assess these effects of fallout from nuclear testing. What made the ASA stand out from other groups of the atomic scientists’ movement was its ambivalent relationship with the government. This was, by and large, the result of several ASA members’ occupational backgrounds in government employment and the association's self-imposed adherence to an ambiguous principle of scientific ‘objectivity’ in political matters. The ASA's role in the debate over fallout thus exemplifies a basic dilemma that many scientists in Britain and other Western liberal democracies faced between their roles as ‘objective’ and ‘unpolitical’ scientific experts, on the one hand, and socially responsible scientists, on the other, illustrating the ambivalent position of experts and uses of their knowledge.

The ideational foundations of coercion: political culture and policies towards North Korea

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Onderco ◽  
Wolfgang Wagner
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Norm Violations ◽  
Material Interests ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Crisis Diplomacy

The notion that states’ foreign and security policies are not exclusively driven by material interests is now firmly established. Whose ideas matter and in what way, however, has remained subject to debate. We advance this debate by studying the crisis diplomacy of liberal democracies towards North Korea during four crises around the country’s violation of international norms between 1993 and 2009. Although liberal democracies share a common perception of North Korea’s nuclear programme as a threat to international peace and security, they differ widely in either confronting or accommodating North Korea. We examine the explanatory power of two ideational driving forces behind the foreign policy of liberal democracies: the ideological orientation of the government, on the one hand, and a country’s political culture, on the other. Our analysis of 22 liberal democracies demonstrates that different domestic cultures of dealing with norm violations have a significant impact on crisis diplomacy: countries with punitive domestic cultures tend to adopt confrontational policies towards international norm violators; while left governments are not more accommodationist than right governments. Ideational differences across states are thus more pronounced than those within states.

scholarly journals The Problem of Legal Equality in the Georgian Press of 1918-1921

enadakultura ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nanuli Talakhadze
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Republic Of Georgia ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Specific Direction ◽  
The Media ◽  
Legal Equality ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Press ◽  
The One

The subject of research in 1918-1921 is the parameters of the functioning of the media during the period of the Independent republic of Georgia and processes that contributed to the creation of a pluralistic media climate in the country and the establishment of liberal-democratic values. One of the manisfestations of this is the issue of human rights and social equality, which we will discuss in a specific direction – in terms of gender.Based on the plurastic media envionment, based on the contextual analysis of relevant sources, archival and newspaper publications, we gave selected and studied the main print media of the leqding, ideologically different political parties of 1918-1921: Socia;-Democratic Worker’s Party newapaper “Unity” (1917-1921). The Federalist Party “People’s Affairs” (1917-1921) and the National Democrats – “Georgia” (1915-1921). We analyzed how adequately, with what visions and journalistic means these media outlets covered the feminist narrative.We focused on publications on the problems of women’s emancipation, as well as women authors, the number of which, althouigh small, they are quite professionally able to properly focus on gender issues and in-depth understanding of women’s social or political issues (N.Nakashidze, M.Toroshelidze, F.Josh and others).The resuklts of the research showed that the party press of 1918-1921, on the one hand, clearly reflected the positive steps taken by the government of the Independent Republic of Georgia at the legislative level to protect human rights and, in particular, the feminist direction. On the other hand, the government’s lack of interest in the problems of woman’s social or legal equality appeared in a negative light.

scholarly journals THE CROWDSOURCING MODEL OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN SURABAYA’S MUNICIPALITY, INDONESIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Aulia Nur Kasiwi ◽  
Achmad Nurmandi
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Research Result ◽  
Organization Culture ◽  
Integrated System ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Purpose: Social media has been used by the government to disseminate information to the public. As we know that the transformation of organization have a several aspect which are related within values, behaviour knowledge, organization culture and mindset of the employee it self. This research aim to investigate the social media infomation through out the public policy. Methodology: The research question is how the government can be able to use social media to know the main point in the data that crowded. This research using mix method of gathering the data analysis within the quantitative and qualitative method. Gephy is the one of application that was using in this research for analyzing the integrated system each department by social media especially on Facebook. Main Findings: The research result is the part of facebook analysis has found that government organization has a 40%. For the partition of Community Service is 20%. For the Public & Government Service has a 20% because Bangga Surabaya just received the information comes from Sapawarga Kota Surabaya. As well as the Media/News Company namely with Kabar Surabaya pages that has 20%. Implications: The conclusion is, on the one hand, the subjective government of Surabaya has made efforts to be able to carry out the collectivity of information received through social media where this will also help the government's performance in providing services to the community. Novelty: this research describes the government practice and implementation on social media to increase their performance and make social media beneficially as the new tool to communicate with the public.

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