Long-term Planning: Its Importance in the Effective Administration of Social Change

1954 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
Annette Rosenstiel

In its program for underdeveloped areas, the United Nations faces on a large scale the need to effect concrete adaptations of the habits of indigenous peoples to modern knowledge and technology. Research to determine the best methods of procedure has disclosed that, in certain areas, previous attempts on the part of administrators to introduce innovations and make changes which could not be integrated into the cultural pattern of the indigenous people proved unsatisfactory to them and costly to the government concerned. In most cases, changes in diet, crops and habits of work—let alone the introduction of industrial disciplines—may not be pressed down like a cookie-cutter on a going society. The administration of change often proves a disconcertingly stubborn affair, exasperating both to the administrator and to the people whom he seeks to catch up into the ways of "progress."

2000 ◽  
Vol 151 (3) ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Pascal Schneider ◽  
Jean-Pierre Sorg

In and around the state-owned forest of Farako in the region of Sikasso, Mali, a large-scale study focused on finding a compromise allowing the existential and legitimate needs of the population to be met and at the same time conserving the forest resources in the long term. The first step in research was to sketch out the rural socio-economic context and determine the needs for natural resources for autoconsumption and commercial use as well as the demand for non-material forest services. Simultaneously, the environmental context of the forest and the resources available were evaluated by means of inventories with regard to quality and quantity. According to an in-depth comparison between demand and potential, there is a differentiated view of the suitability of the forest to meet the needs of the people living nearby. Propositions for a multipurpose management of the forest were drawn up. This contribution deals with some basic elements of research methodology as well as with results of the study.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


2021 ◽  
pp. bjophthalmol-2021-318789
Author(s):  
Yixiong Yuan ◽  
Wei Wang ◽  
Xianwen Shang ◽  
Ruilin Xiong ◽  
Jason Ha ◽  
...  

SynopsisIn a cohort of middle-aged and elderly Australians, we found that long-term statin use was associated with a higher risk of glaucoma onset. As to subtypes of statins, the increased risk was only found in rosuvastatin users.PurposeTo investigate the relationship between statin use and glaucoma onset in a 10-year longitudinal study.MethodsThis nested case–control study was based on data from a large-scale cohort of Australians aged over 45 years old. Medication exposure was identified by claims records from the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme during the follow-up period (2009–2016). The onset of glaucoma was defined as the people with at least three claims of antiglaucoma medications. Controls matched by age, gender and cardiovascular diseases were selected from participants without prescription of antiglaucoma medications. A conditional logistic regression model was used to assess the association between statin use and glaucoma onset.ResultsThe proportion of statin users was higher in the case group (40.5%) than that in the control group (38.4%). After adjusting for baseline characteristics and longitudinal claims records, statin use was not associated with glaucoma onset (OR 1.04, 95% CI 0.97 to 1.11). However, an increased risk of glaucoma onset was observed in participants with a longer duration of statin use (>3 years vs <1 year: OR 1.12, 95% CI 1.04 to 1.21). With respect to specific types of statins, participants taking rosuvastatin were more likely to suffer from glaucoma (OR 1.11, 95%CI 1.01 to 1.22). The use of other statins was not significantly associated with glaucoma onset.ConclusionsLong-term statin use was found to be associated with a higher risk of glaucoma onset in this study. Regarding specific types of statins, the increased risk of glaucoma onset was only observed in users of rosuvastatin.


Africa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (4) ◽  
pp. 680-695 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Plummer

AbstractThe Kenyan government's long-term development strategy, Vision 2030, has emphasized infrastructural investments, which it believes will lead to sustained economic growth. The government has appealed to China to fund large-scale projects in the transport sector, and as a consequence of this, construction firms from China have emerged as significant employers in the country. While the Kenyan government contends with the ongoing burden of youth unemployment, it must also reconcile the ambiguities of China's role in Africa and its implications for the labour market. This article examines two Chinese-built infrastructure projects in Kenya and their intersection with several issues involving migrant labour and local rumours of Chinese prisoners, as well as the state's vision for industrialization and youth employment. Kenyans utilize both online and interpersonal channels of discourse to critique present-day employment practices in the transport sector, and it is argued that these counter-channels of discourse represent a particular articulation of knowledge used by Kenyans to construct meaning and interpret ambiguous situations. Through a theoretical analysis of rumour, this article illustrates how ordinary Kenyans are pooling their intellectual resources to understand Sino-Kenyan labour relations in the absence of transparency and participatory government processes in the infrastructure sector.


2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amiya Kumar Bagchi

The need for a new economy is great and the obstacles are many: growing inequalities within and between nations and regions, new complicity between corporations and non-democratic political regimes and failure of workers worldwide to make common cause. There are alternative models, indicating that a more egalitarian approach does not necessarily reduce living standards. Environmental degradation cannot be addressed by a technological fix: the threat to our long-term survival is pre-figured in the impact of climate change and corporate rapacity on the land and sea resources of the indigenous minorities who live as humanity has lived for most of its existence. A 10-point plan for a follow-up to the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals is suggested, but it will work only if solidarity networks can be built across divides of ascribed race, religion and nominal income levels, to express the will of the people in place of the government representatives who are prepared to gamble the future of humanity for corporate profit and power.


2015 ◽  
Vol 144 ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Richard Oram

Informing historical and archaeological discourse with environmental data culled from documentary and climate proxy records is transforming understanding of political, social economic and cultural change across the North Atlantic and European Atlantic regions generally. Limited record evidence and region-specific proxy data has hindered engagement by historians of medieval Scotland with the exploration of environmental factors as motors for long term and large scale change and adoption of the interdisciplinary methodologies involved in their use. This paper seeks to provide an overview of the potential for such data and methodologies in providing context for the well-rehearsed narratives of political upheaval and socio-economic realignment that have characterised much past Scottish historical discourse.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-383
Author(s):  
Tilahun Weldie Hindeya

AbstractSince 2008 the Ethiopian government has allocated vast tracts of land, particularly in the Gambella and Benishangul-Gumuz regions, to agricultural commercial actors with little or no participation from indigenous communities. The marginalization of indigenous peoples in this process primarily emerges from the government's very wide legislative discretionary power regarding decision-making in the exploitation of land. The government has invoked constitutional clauses relating to land ownership and its power to deploy land resources for the “common benefit” of the people, to assert the consistency of this discretionary power with the Ethiopian Constitution. This article posits that the legislative and practical measures taken by the government that marginalize these indigenous peoples in decisions affecting the utilization of land resources are incompatible with their constitutional right to self-determination. Further, it posits that the government's use of the constitution to justify its wide discretionary power in the decision-making process relating to land exploitation is based on a misreading of the constitution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Deni Umbara ◽  
Jum Hermanto ◽  
Franky Ariyadi

The Omnibus Law was first echoed during the inauguration of the President of theRepublic of Indonesia to be precise, on October 20, 2019. Omnibus Law is a legalconcept that will simplify a regulation. All the considerations are causedby too manyrules that have stagnated the economic growth experienced by this nation. With themany regulations, the president felt the need to take steps forward to minimize theseregulations. Acode was created that could back up all rules, namely the presence of theOmnibus Law Bill, which later the bill became a law called the Omnibus Law.Peoplewho reject and feel uneasy about the presence of the Omnibus Law Bill think that thisbill will only prioritize outside investment, making it a red carpet for foreign investors,the investment will only be enjoyed by the elite and a handful of people, which does notlead to job creation which will have an impact on improving people's welfare, makingworkers like production machines, loss of minimum wages, reducing overtime workinghours, and many other articles that castrate their own people. With the presence of thisbill, it will make this nation even more backward from democracy. The government andthe DPR should have drafted this law to protect and voice the voices of the peopleaffected by the regulations, not the other way around. Therefore, the people who are against it assess that the presence of this bill will legitimize investments that destroy the environment, ignore the assets of the people and indigenous peoples. The drafting ofthis bill was carried out behind closed doors without the participation of civil societyand recycled unconstitutional articles of centralization of authority that hurt the spiritof reform.


Author(s):  
Gde Pradnyana

<p>Indonesia has the potential vulnerability enormous energy availability. From the supply side, Indonesia has not showed the synergy between the depletion of oil and gas on a large scale with the search for new sources of its reserves. Searching new reserves abroad also yet to show tangible results and not get full supported from the government. Meanwhile, shares of oil and gas is still a very big role in the national energy mix of Indonesia up to 25 years to come. The government also has not succeeded in converting the results of oil and gas into industrial assets. Prioritizing local-content policy produces only rents of business that would increase the cost of production and distribution of oil and gas to the people.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-36

Abstract The Niger Delta since inception of oil exploration in 1956 has been witnessing series of environmental insecurities which culminated into long term sufferings of the people living in the region. The activities of oil companies paid less attention to the well-being of the region and consequently metamorphosed into youth’s militancy –in terms of kidnapping and armed struggles. The effects of militancy led to the proclamation of amnesty programme designed to ameliorate the crisis situation and pardon those who were involved in militancy by the President Yar’Adua led administration in 2009. However, the question of insincerity from the government, multinational oil companies, agencies and militants remains a burden undermining the amnesty implementation programme and its successes in post-amnesty Niger Delta. This seminar, therefore, examined the social impact of amnesty programme and its challenges on Niger Delta. Internet explorations, magazines, newspaper cut-outs, books and journals were the instruments of data collection. Suggestions for proper implementation of amnesty programme and developmental actualisation in the Niger Delta Region were proffered. Keywords: Niger Delta, Crisis, Amnesty Programme, Nigeria


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