The strategic and policy objectives of the State Territorial Administration Reform in Hungary

Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Kreuschitz Viktor ◽  
Nehl Hanns Peter

This chapter looks at the evolution of the legal framework for State aid during the past six decades of economic integration and addresses State aid rules in the context of balancing national policy objectives with the necessity to review aids at a supranational level. A dual trend emerges from the evolution of State aid rules over the last sixty years. On the one hand, the Court of Justice has played a key role in establishing new principles and designing rules governing State aid. In parallel, the Commission also acts as a rule-maker, by introducing relevant soft law and regulatory texts. In this context, the adoption of the Procedural Regulation in 1999 can be regarded as a turning point in the codification and development of State aid rules. The development of State aid is, however, not completed, as reflected in the last reforms of the State Aid Action Plan and the State Aid Modernization initiative.


2008 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Zukosky

This article explores why local pastoral land use arrangements in northwestern China differ from national level grassland policy objectives and initiatives. Drawing on the local particularities of fieldwork in a Chinese ethnic minority region, I argue that the land use arrangements which resulted from the implementation of decollectivization and new grassland management policies represent both an engagement of the minority area by the central government, but also a way that the residents of one locality have engaged the state in culturally specific ways. Applying contemporary theory in the ethnography of the state (Das and Poole 2004, Mitchell 1989; 1999; 2000, Taussig 1996) and the anthropology of development (Li 1999, Moore 2005) to data from recent ethnographic fieldwork, this article reflects upon how documents and practices as well as ideas of grassland policy make possible certain kinds of political symbols which render invisible to the central government local interests and resource conflicts, and thus, a narrative of a seemingly coherent, consistent, and organized state.Key Words: China, grassland policy, ethnic minority, decollectivization


1987 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Egon Rohrlich

Political scientists researching economic foreign policy have generally taken one of two analytic approaches. The first is based on realpolitik, the traditional application of “high” politics to the “low” politics of economics. This approach considers economics subordinate to politics. The concept of the national interest dominates; the pursuit of power—what enables the state to achieve its goals of security, welfare, and other societal values—is seen to underlie most actions. The study of foreign economic policy is thus an analysis of the distribution of power among states within the international system. By understanding a state's sources of strength and areas of vulnerability in relation to other states, the analyst will better understand the creation of foreign policy. Hans Morgenthau notes that while states may sometimes pursue economic policies for their own sake (in which case they should take little interest in their success), the more important economic policies they will favor are instruments of political power.Stephen Krasner views the state as an autonomously motivated actor, able to guide policy in pursuit of state priorities while resisting interest groups and ideologies. According to this “power theory”, the state tries to increase its economic competitiveness, ensure security of material needs, and promote its broad foreign-policy objectives. Economic policy is for the most part subordinate to and best explained by state priorities and prerogatives. Robert Tucker, Klaus Knorr, Robert Gilpin and others have also adopted this framework.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens van 't Klooster ◽  
Steffen Murau

This article proposes a conception of monetary sovereignty that recognizes the reality of today’s global credit money system. Monetary sovereignty is typically used in a Westphalian sense to denote the ability of states to issue and regulate their own currency. This article rejects the Westphalian conception. Instead, it proposes a conception of effective monetary sovereignty that focuses attention on what states are actually able to do in the era of financial globalization. The conception fits the hybridity of the modern credit money system by acknowledging the crucial role not only of central bank money but also of money issued by regulated banks and unregulated shadow banks. These institutions often operate ‘offshore’, outside of a state’s legal jurisdiction, which makes monetary governance more difficult. Monetary sovereignty consists in the ability of states to effectively govern these different segments of the monetary system and thereby achieve their economic policy objectives.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas

Why do states vary their policies towards their citizens abroad, and why are some emigrant groups treated preferentially to others? The literature on the politics of international migration has yet to explore this as a separate field of inquiry, assuming that states adopt a single policy that encourages, sustains or prevents emigration abroad. Yet, in the case of Egypt, the state developed a multi-tiered policy that distinctly favoured specific communities abroad over others. I hypothesise that policy differentiation is based upon the perceived utility of the emigrant group remaining abroad versus the utility of its return. This utility is determined by two factors: the sending state’s domestic political economy priorities and its foreign policy objectives.


Author(s):  
Kelly M. LeRoux

Local bureaucracy is the administrative apparatus of local political jurisdictions that exists for the primary purposes of carrying out state and federal policy objectives and for planning and providing local public services. The goals of local bureaucratic actors, and thus the organizational behavior of local bureaucracies, are often driven by considerations of improving efficiency, effectiveness, and responsiveness in local service delivery. In principal, these goals are held to be equally important by professional public managers, yet the complex and diverse demands of the local electorate combined with the increasingly networked context of local bureaucracy dictate that public managers will confront tradeoffs in the pursuit of these objectives. This chapter examines evidence and debates related to the three key themes of efficiency, responsiveness, and effectiveness in the local bureaucracy literature. In summarizing the state of knowledge in local bureaucracy research related to these three themes, this chapter highlights a number of unanswered questions and promising theoretical developments that might serve to guide future research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-61
Author(s):  
María José Pérez del Pozo

Islam has been part of Russian history and culture since the 7th century, actively collaborating in the process of building the State, developing relationships with other social groups, with whom it has shared spaces, history, and assimilation policies. However, the Muslim community has played an asymmetrical in the State, occupying a peripheral position in political, military, and economic affairs, for long historical periods. Throughout the 1990s, religion became an element of nationalist vindication against federal power, fueled by the entry of a radical transnational Islam imported from the predominantly Sunni Middle Eastern countries. The two Chechen wars and the subsequent management of the area by Moscow have favored the application of a new analysis scheme based on ethnicity-security, which generalizes a negative interpretation of Islam in Russia. The division of Muslim religious institutions has not facilitated inter-ethnic dialogue or relations with the Kremlin. The study of Russian strategies to face the challenge of Islam has traditionally been oriented to the analysis of the security dimension, focusing on the military responses of the security organs of the Russian State, since the dysfunctionality of the political system and the absence of Policies based on respect for individual rights have prevented the appearance of other initiatives that consider inter-ethnic and interreligious coexistence in a state declared secular. However, we can also consider the study of Russian initiatives applying the approach of the study of the foreign policy of states to analyze the use of religious diversity in the achievement of certain foreign policy objectives. In this sense, the work addresses the role of military groups from the Caucasus, integrated into Russian federal forces, within the Syrian conflict. Finally, the programs related to the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) in the Northern Caucasus, with their limitations, also show a certain change in the implementation and management of new methods to stop the regional insurgency.


1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 681-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley A. Kochanek

In a democratic country with a single dominant party the distribution of power within the party is of critical importance to the maintenance of democratic processes and political responsibility. The implications of such a system are particularly acute in the new nations of Asia and Africa where the dominant party has grown out of a nationalist movement and where problems of national unity have resulted frequendy in a tendency to view the party and the state as synonymous. In such cases, opposition to the policy objectives of the party, when it is in power, is often looked upon as criticism of the state itself. As a result legitimate partisan criticism may be regarded as anti-nationalist or subversive.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 362-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Curtis J Milhaupt

Abstract This essay explores China’s experience with state ownership of business enterprise. After a short historical survey of the rise, fall, and re-emergence of the state-owned enterprise (SOE) as a form of business organization, the essay examines the creation, ownership structure, and role of SOEs under Chinese state capitalism. It further discusses the government’s ongoing efforts to reform its SOEs. These efforts are illuminating because they highlight the serious tension inherent in the party-state’s dual goals of maintaining SOEs as a tool for advancing non-financial social and industrial policy objectives, and addressing the corporate governance challenges of these enterprises. The essay concludes by examining implications from the preceding analysis—for China’s domestic economy, for policy-makers outside China, and for the corporate form itself.


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