scholarly journals Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria held on 4 April and 11 July 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the 2017 and 2021 elections, and describes all leading Bulgarian political parties represented in parliament from 2017 to 2021. The results of the government led by GERB party leader Boyko Borisov, formed as a result of the 2017 elections, are analyzed. The reasons for this government's falling rating and its impact on the election campaign are identified. How the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to deal with its consequences have affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activities of the country's main opposition parties, the centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party and the Social Liberal Movement for Rights and Freedoms, are assessed. The course of the election campaign and its main topics are examined, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament: the left-populist coalition "Rise Up! Mafia Get Out!", the right-populist party "There's Such a People!", and the liberal coalition "Democratic Bulgaria". The positions of the leading political parties of the country regarding their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Bulgarian relations is analyzed and forecasts of how the results of the elections will affect the formation of the new government of that country and the relations between Russia and Bulgaria are given.


Significance The new government will have only 34 of the 179 seats, because policy differences among the right-wing parties, and the political strategy of the electorally strengthened anti-immigration, Euro-sceptic Danish People's Party (DF), mean DF will remain outside. Policy-making will be difficult. The government will be more economically liberal and pro-EU than it would have been with DF, but to make policy it will rely on partners across the political spectrum, especially the ousted Social Democrats -- who remain the largest party -- and DF. Impacts If DF is seen as a welfarist protector of ordinary citizens, it is more likely to repeat, at least, its 22% vote in the next election. The much-tighter immigration regime which is in prospect could taint Denmark's image and make it less attractive to foreign investment. The new government is likely to be an ally for much of UK Prime Minister David Cameron's EU reform agenda.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Doerr

This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kosta Josifidis ◽  
Radmila Dragutinovic-Mitrovic ◽  
Novica Supic ◽  
Olgica Glavaski

The aim of this paper is to point out the limitations of conventional approaches, articulated via political processes, in reducing income inequality. Using the panel data methods, on the sample of 21 affluent OECD countries in the period from 1980 to 2011, it is observed that the increase in labour productivity as well as preferences of voters to parties that advocate greater redistribution, contrary to common perception, not necessarily lead to reduction in income inequality. Increasing dominance of big capital in the field of technological progress changes the conventions about contribution of workers to labour productivity. The result is a weakening of workers? bargaining power in relation to employers as well as increase in gap between labour productivity growth and real wage growth, which both lead to increase in income inequality. In comparison with the other political parties, it seems that the right-wing parties are more efficient in using voters? support to implement their concept of the welfare state, which contributes to maintaining the high market-generated income inequality. Such situation could be explained that de jure power of the government depends on election results, whereas de facto power depends on the support of so-called globally-oriented super elites.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Reyaz

At the peak of the 2014 election campaign, Delhi was dotted with posters like ‘Na Doori Na Khaai, Modi Hamara Bhai’ (neither difference nor gap, Modi is our brother). These posters announcing Narendra Modi as ‘our brother’, were put up by Maulana Suhaib Qasmi of Jamaat Ulema-e-Hind, aligned to the BJP. Several such groups of BJP’s Muslims worked to mobilize Muslim votes for the right-wing Hindutva party. Drawing upon field reporting, covering the 2014 elections, and interviews with some of the political leaders and stake-holders of these organizations (and their literature), this chapter examines three key issues: contradiction between BJP’s outreach programmes towards Muslims and their condemnation of similar initiatives by other political parties as ‘Muslim appeasement’; perception of Muslim identity among leaders engaging in such initiatives; and whether such outreach programs had any impact in drawing Muslim voters towards the BJP?


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-377
Author(s):  
Gerrit Van De Put

It often appears that leading politicians in Belgium consider the results of the municipal elections in the light of national polities. They stick to the thesis that the municipal poll-results, at least in the bigger towns, are more and more influenced by the constellation of the nation's politics.Is it really so that the municipal elections indicate the hearings of the national political situation ? Can one draw conclusions from the results of these elections as if they were national ones ? And can one,any how, compare municipal to parliamentary elections ?  By comparison of the results of municipal elections 1964 and of parliamentary elections 1965 it was checked which shifts in party-choice havehappened during this short period of eight months. If no oscillations, or only a few, were detected between both elections, one could conclude that the municipal elections 1964 indicated indeed the hearings of the parliamentary elections 1965.Successively, the national and provincial results of these elections were compared and the party-shifts on national and provincial level were calculated.To make a relevant comparison between the election-results on a lower level, a comparable basic unity had to be found. As there were no municipal data available at parliamentary elections on one side, andonly municipal results at the municipal elections on the other side, the least possible unity for which parliamentary election-results are known, the electoral canton namely, was chosen as a comparison-basis. For that purpose however the results per party had to be additioned in all municipalities belonging to one canton.Part of the electoral cantons was unfit for use as comparison-material for two reasons : the highly varied and often strongly local-coloured political party-structure on one hand, the big number of municipalitieswithout elections on the other hand. So we were bound to make a choice out of 212 electoral cantons. Finally the cantons with a maximum of 4 municipalities were chosen, which limited the number of cantons to 28. These cantons were classified by degree of urbanisation according to the typology of W. Van Waelvelde and H. Van der Haegen.In that classification the percentages of votes in favour of the political parties, at the occasion of these elections, were tabulated and compared.The participating parties and lists were grouped as much as possible around the traditional parties to which they were most related. So we distinguish in Flanders : CVP, BSP, PVV, VU, CPB and other parties ;in the Walloon region: PSC, PSB, PLP PCB, French-speaking lists and other parties.For this analysis we also thought it was relevant to control separately the shifts of the electoral corps in the Flemish, the Walloon and the Brussels cantons. These shifts were then specified according to thedegree of urbanisation.To measure the size of the party-shifts for these elections, the external election-shift standard was calculated for the chosen Flemish, Walloon and Brussels cantons, with a special attention for the degree of urbanisation. Finally we examined which attitude was assumed by the government, the governmental and the opposition parties, in relation to the results of the municipal 1964 elections.It appeared that some notable party-shifts had been realized during the short period between the municipal elections of 1964 and the legislative elections of 1965. In general, a certain polarization has taken place due to a centrifugal vote-shift to the left and still more to the right. The direction of vote-shifts, which had shown at the municipal elections of 1964, was affirmed at the legislative elections of 1965 and for some parties, CVP and PVV namely, it was even accentuated. The parallelism between both elections in relation to the direction of the vote-shifts did not mean however that the size of these shifts was the same everywhere. The image of the shifts was different according to linguistic region and degree of urbanisation.The analysis of the urbanisation-degree showed that the level of oscillations grew higher as the urbanisation-degree grew lower. Seen per linguistic region, the largest shifts had taken place in the Walloon cantons.  According to the calculations of the electoral shift standards during the period 1964-1965, the lowest oscillations were noted in the Flemish and Brussels cantons, i.e. the voting-behaviour of the big agglomerations during the municipal elections of 1964 were the closest to the national electoral pattern. Seen that way they were, up to a certain degree, a value-measure for the general policy.Finally the remark should be made that the limitation to the two above-mentioned elections does not allow any generalization of the obtained conclusions. The short period between those elections was itself an exceptional situation which may have been of influence on the results of the comparisons.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Ryszard Żelichowski

The mass influx of immigrants to Europe in 2015 shook the foundations of the political system of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The concept of populism dominated the political discourse related to various concepts of how to solve this problem. After the death of Pim Fortuyn and Theo van Gogh, two politicians using harsh anti-immigrant rhetoric and murdered by Islamic fanatics, a new generation of right-wing populist activists appeared on the political scene of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Two of them, Geert Wilders and Thierry Baudet, run their own political parties and are increasingly successful. The Freedom Party of Geert Wilders became the second strongest party in the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the Forum for Democracy party founded by Thierry Baudet won two seats in the Second Chamber of Parliament in the 2017 election.The author of this article focuses on both these politicians and their party programmes. He argues that the culmination of populism in Europe, which fell between the peak of the 2015 migration crisis and the 2017 parliamentary elections, has changed the attitude of leading politicians to this concept. Populism has been ‘permanently’ appearing in salons. The thesis of ‘good’ populism, proclaimed by Prime Minister Mark Rutte, indicates its inclusion in the arsenal of political means also used by liberals to defend a democratic order.


Significance The results show a waning interest in the right-wing populist Freedom Party (PVV), which until mid-February was leading the polls. The PVV had been an unlikely candidate to enter government -- even if it had emerged as the strongest party -- as no other political party was willing to cooperate with it. However, the significance of the vote lies in the fact that it could reflect wider trends in Europe ahead of the French and German elections taking place later this year. Impacts The election provided a significant boost to the Green Left Party with its up-and-coming young leader Jesse Klaver. The PvdA, Rutte's coalition partner, alienated voters with its support for unpopular austerity measures. Senior party members have come forward suggesting that the PvdA should dissolve. Finance Minister Jeroen Dijsselbloem may have to stand down as Eurogroup president if his PvdA is not involved in the new coalition. The election results have been welcomed by most European countries and are widely regarded as an anti-populist pro-Europe stance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerii Pavlenko ◽  
Mykola Polovin

The article addresses the electoral history of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands in the period from the beginning of 1980s till 2017, as well as features inherent in these parties. Similarities and differences between the nationalist, anti-immigrant parties of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, French Republic and Austria have been shown. Analysis of historical underpinnings of the creation of the nationalistically-oriented parties – French Front National (“National Front”, from June 1st 2018 Rassemblement national – “National Rally”), Austrian Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (“Freedom Party of Austria”) and Dutch Partij voor de Vrijheid (“Dutch Party for Freedom”) has been conducted. Influence of various problems present in these countries’ societies on the electoral performance of the mentioned above parties has been analyzed. Research on the electoral trends and main reasons for the surge in popularity of the right-wing populist parties in Austria, France and the Netherlands has been carried out. Direct influence of the issue of illegal immigration (especially so – from the Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East) on electoral preferences of the Austrians, French and Dutch has been demonstrated. History of the creation of the modern-day leading right-wing populist political parties, as well as their ideological evolution has been thoroughly analyzed. The parties’ differences in terms of political, social and economic aspects have been shown. Reasons for the right-wing populist parties’ popularity in Austria, France and the Netherlands have been identified – among them, the most important ones are the increasing immigration of Muslims to these countries, as well as the growing distrust of the citizens of Austria, France and the Netherlands towards the governing bodies and policies of the European Union. It is demonstrated that the causes of such electoral performances are not only the historical underpinnings that have shaped both countries throughout centuries, but also the differences in Scotland’s and Wales’ economic development and the ideological distinctions within the Scottish and Welsh independence movements. Influence of internal rows and ideological divergencies within the National Rally, Freedom Party of Austria and Dutch Party for Freedom on the parties’ performance has been demonstrated.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document