Bonaparte’s Expedition to Egypt and Syria (1798–1801) and His Policy towards Local Christians

В статье рассматриваются основные аспекты политики французского военного командования в отношении христианских общин Османского Египта и Османской Сирии во время экспедиции Бонапарта (1798–1801 гг.). Особое внимание уделено замыслам Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего по привлечению египетских и сирийских христиан к сотрудничеству с французской оккупационной администрацией в качестве чиновников и солдат вспомогательных военных отрядов. Также в статье рассматривается французская пропаганда в сопоставлении с практическими действиями в отношении египетских коптов и сирийских христиан наряду с ответной реакцией со стороны как христианских общин, так и мусульманского большинства населения Османского Египта и Османской Сирии. Выявлены противоречия и двойственность политики Бонапарта и его преемников на посту главнокомандующего Восточной армии – Клебера и Мену в отношении местных христиан. Французское командование рассматривало восточных христиан как потенциальных союзников, но в то же время не решалось выражать к ним особые симпатии, поскольку подобные действия могли вызвать возмущение среди мусульманского большинства населения и создать впечатление, что французы ведут религиозную войну против ислама и мусульман. В статье сделан вывод о том, что эта непоследовательность стала одной из причин неудачи египетской экспедиции Бонапарта, когда французская армия в ходе военных действий в Египте и Сирии оказалась отрезанной от Франции и в то же время не могла пополнять свои ряды добровольцами из числа местных жителей. The article examines the main aspects of the policy of the French military command in relation to the Christian communities of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria during the expedition of Bonaparte (1798–1801). Particular attention is paid to the plans of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief to attract Egyptian and Syrian Christians to cooperate with the French occupation administration as officials and soldiers of auxiliary military units. The article also examines French propaganda in comparison with practical actions towards Egyptian Copts and Syrian Christians, and the response from both Christian communities and the Muslim majority of the population of Ottoman Egypt and Ottoman Syria. The contradictions and ambiguity of the policy of Bonaparte and his successors as commander-in-chief of the Eastern Army – Kleber and Menou towards local Christians are revealed. The French command considered Eastern Christians as potential allies, but at the same time did not dare to express special sympathy for them, since such actions could cause outrage among the Muslim majority of the population and create the impression that the French are waging a religious war against Islam and Muslims. The article concludes that this inconsistency was one of the reasons for the failure of Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition, when the French army was cut off from France during the hostilities in Egypt and Syria and at the same time could not replenish its ranks with volunteers from among the local residents.

Looking Into Recent Suicide Rates and Trends in Malaysia: A Comparative Analysis

Background: Suicide is a preventable cause of death. Examining suicide rates and trends are important in shaping national suicide prevention strategies. Therefore, the objectives of this study were to analyze age-standardized suicide trends of Malaysia between 2000 and 2019 using the WHO Global Health Estimates data, and to compare the 2019 rate with countries from the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Muslim majority countries, and the Group of Seven (G7).Methods: The age-standardized suicide rates data were extracted from the WHO Global Health Estimates. We calculated the average age-standardized suicide rates of the last 3 years from 2017 to 2019. Joinpoint regression analysis was conducted to calculate the average annual percentage change (APC) of the age-standardized suicide rates in Malaysia from 2000 to 2019.Results: Between 2000 and 2019, the minimum and maximum suicide rates for both sexes in Malaysia were 4.9 and 6.1 per 100,000 population respectively, whilst the past 3-year (2017–2019) average rates were 5.6, 8.8, and 2.4 for both sexes, males, and females, respectively. The suicide rates decreased significantly for both sexes between 2000 and 2013. Between 2014 and 2019, the suicide rates increased significantly for males. In 2019, Malaysia recorded the rate of 5.8 per 100,000 population, with an estimated 1,841 suicide deaths, i.e., ~5 deaths per day. The Malaysian suicide rate was the second highest amongst selected Muslim majority countries, in the middle range amongst ASEAN countries, and lower than all G7 countries except Italy.Conclusions: There is a need to further explore factors contributing to the higher suicide rates among Malaysian males. In light of the rising suicide rates in Malaysia, national mental health and suicide prevention initiatives are discussed and the importance of high-quality suicide surveillance data is emphasized.

relevance of the message of the Qur'an to the goals of national education

Indonesia has a Muslim majority population and has two sources of education that both improve the quality of its citizens' educational resources. The author believes that the two sources, namely the Koran and the national education law, have strong relevance. To prove this assumption, we have conducted a series of studies of educational literature on many literature data published in various educational journals, both national and international. We found the data source through an electronic search on many journals, books, and websites that actively discuss religious and national education issues. After the collection of literature, we further examined the data evaluation system involved in the coding of conclusions drawn after high interpretation to obtain data that answered questions validly and reliably. Based on the data and discussion, we find a high relevance between the messages in the Koran and the goals of national education in Indonesia. It is hoped that this finding will become an essential input for improving educational science that links religious messages and national education.

Attributes Influencing Overall Tourist Satisfaction and Its Consequences for Muslim-Majority Destination

In the context of Muslim-friendly tourism, marketers have to pay attention to the needs of their main target, Muslim tourists. This study aimed to examine the influence of destination attributes, including both generic and Islamic attributes, on overall tourist satisfaction to get a more comprehensive view. Likewise, this study investigated the effect of overall tourist satisfaction on its consequences. The moderation effect of Islamic religiosity on the relationship between Islamic attributes and overall tourist satisfaction was also considered. An online survey was conducted, with a sample of 231 Muslims who traveled to Muslim-majority cities, and the data were analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling. The results showed that both generic and Islamic attributes positively influence overall tourist satisfaction, while its consequences affected their behavioral, attitudinal loyalty, and churn intention. Overall tourist satisfaction was not found to affect complaint intention. Likewise, the moderation effect of Islamic religiosity was insignificant.

An Enhanced Islamic Index of Well-Being (IWI 2.0-2021) for Muslim Countries

This is a revised version of an assessment of the Islamic Well-Being Index (IWI) of Muslim majority countries, first published by this author in 2013 (IWI 1.0). It uses an improved, updated methodology and reflects the essential maqasid al-shari‘ah (Higher Objectives of Islamic Law) developed by Imam Abu Hamid al-Ghazali. The IWI provides practical insights for countries that aspire to move to a higher state. Leading countries in the maqasid fields could serve as role models for lagging counties. More specifically, IWI indicators provide a way to spot problems, set targets, track trends, and identify best practice policies. This 2021 assessment adds four more countries to the 27 ranked previously. The method incorporates insights from leading Islamic scholars who have developed a ‘maqasid index of governance’ for Muslim countries. The top three countries listed in the Index are (first to third): Indonesia, Tunisia and Malaysia. Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country with a successful democracy, experienced an Islamic resurgence, which is reflected in its citizens’ moderate values and practices. Leading countries within the maqasid fields are (first, second): Religion – Guinea-Bissau, Nigeria; Life – UAE, Brunei; Intellect - Albania, Kyrgyzstan; Family – Morocco, Tunisia; and Wealth – Malaysia, UAE. Countries showing greatest improvement in IWI rankings are Lebanon and Turkey. Those that significantly worsened are Afghanistan, Nigeria, Chad and Iraq. To expand the applicability of this index, governments in Muslim majority countries need to facilitate assessment. In particular, religiosity surveys should be expanded and periodic surveys are required to fill other data gaps. The IWI Index and its highlights should be prepared and published annually.

Islamic Constitutionalism: Social Movement and the Framework of the Indonesian Constitution

The main purpose of this article is to discuss Islamic constitutionalism in the context of Indonesian social movements. Constitutionalism is part of the study of constitutional law when the discussion focuses on the concept of limiting the power of the government. Using historical and sociological approaches, this article examines socio-political circumstances in Muslim society and their relationship to the spirit of constitutionalism in Indonesia. Indonesia does not explicitly name any particular religion in its Constitution, even though most of its population is Muslim. After a series of constitutional reforms over 1999– 2002, there was no formalization of Islam in the Constitution. Two important academic questions arise when dealing with this phenomenon. First, to what extent are Indonesia’s religious social movements involved in constructing the narrative of constitutionalism? Second, how do the spirit of constitutionalism and Islam play a role in strengthening Indonesia’s Constitution? This article notes that some Muslims in Indonesia have been striving to build a narrative of Islamic constitutionalism through social movements since the nation’s pre- independence era. Nevertheless, this Islamic constitutionalism has not resulted in the formalization of an Islamic constitution in Indonesia due to several factors: the historical roots of the nation’s establishment, the pluralist stance of Indonesia’s mainstream civil Islamic movements, and the presence of the Pancasila as the state ideology. This article also reveals that Indonesia’s Muslim majority and religious authorities play a role in building the spirit of constitutionalism; however, the formalization of a specific religion as the basis of the constitution has never been realized in Indonesia.

Multifaceted Islam: Malaysia

This paper analyzes the Islam’s impact on the Malaysian politics. Islam as an instrument of Malaysia’s foreign policy has been used by the political elite of the state for decades. Observers note the Islamization of the country’s foreign policy, especially during the premiership of Najib Razak (2008– 2018). However, the trend towards Islamization can be traced back to the moment Malaysia gained independence from Great Britain in 1957 and especially during the premiership of Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003). The formation of such a foreign policy of Malaysia took place against the background of the Islamization of the political and social environment within the country, which, in turn, was the result of an internal political struggle. Thus, the projection of Malaysia’s identity into the outside world and the foreign policy corresponding to this identity was often motivated by the need to retain or attract the support of the malay-muslim majority in the domestic political arena. Since many of the issues raised in the article relate to identity both at the national and global level, a constructivist paradigm is used to conceptualize Malaysia’s foreign policy with a special emphasis on the identity of states. Particularly important in this process is the formation of domestic and foreign policy discourse. Malaysia’s Islamic identity is viewed externally in three dimensions: the Sunni state, the activist state in the Islamic world and the standard of moderate Islam. Consideration of these dimensions reveals quite obvious contradictions between them, as well as between rhetoric and real politics.

In Search of Moderation of Islam Againts Extremism: A Promoting “Islam Pribumi” By Gus Dur

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-US">Indonesian religious expressions are facing an extraordinary challenge with the emergence of fundamentalist movements affiliated with number of Islamic transnationalist from Middle East, which is rigidly establishing the ideology of "purification" or as so called Islam Kaffah even if to be forced to the all nation. In this Case, Gus Dur presented another alternative religious pattern by promoting the idea of Islam Pribumi or “Islam Pribumi” which mean to respon and againts this scripturalist-fundamentalist movement. Islam Pribumi is intended to provide opportunities for the diversity of interpretations in term of practicing religious life (Islam) in each different region. Thus, Islam is no longer seen as a single, but rather compound. So there is no longer an assumption that Islam in the Middle East is the best representative of Islam. Therefore, this paper attempts to examine Gus Dur's thoughts on Islam Pribumi which is definitly inclusive, tolerant and peaceful Islamic culture, relflecting Islam as rahmatal lil alamin. It is also to offer a model of Islamic Moderation provided a solution in realizing global peace against conflicts between religions and politics that has occurred most recently in a Muslim-majority country like Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Yemen.</span></p>

Sharia (Islamic Law) Perspectives of COVID-19 Vaccines

The Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has caused health, economic, and social challenges globally. Under these circumstances, effective vaccines play a critical role in saving lives, improving population health, and facilitating economic recovery. In Muslim-majority countries, Islamic jurisprudence, which places great importance on sanctity and safety of human life and protection of livelihoods, may influence vaccine uptake. Efforts to protect humans, such as vaccines, are highly encouraged in Islam. However, concerns about vaccine products’ Halal (permissible to consume by Islamic law) status and potential harm can inhibit acceptance. Fatwa councils agree that vaccines are necessary in the context of our current pandemic; receiving a COVID-19 vaccination is actually a form of compliance with Sharia law. Broader use of animal component free reagents during manufacturing may further increase acceptance among Muslims. We herein explain the interplay between Sharia (Islamic law) and scientific considerations in addressing the challenge of COVID-19 vaccine acceptance, particularly in Muslim populations.