A REVIEW OF EVENTS PRECEDING UNJUST OUSTER OF SULTAN TAMBARI OF SOKOTO CALIPHATE

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Sarkingobir ◽  
Aliyu Umar Sharu
Keyword(s):  
Sokoto Caliphate

Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Sokoto Caliphate

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Last
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
Local Markets ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Sokoto Caliphate ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The 19Th Century

Established using a conventional Islamic model of government, the new Muslim state in Sokoto, known as the Sokoto Caliphate (1804–1903), possessed eventually very large numbers of men, women, and children, taken captive (usually when children) in jihad from mainly non-Muslim communities, to serve as slaves. These slaves worked on farms or within households, they might be concubines and bear children for their owners; or they might be sold as children for export to North Africa in payment for the luxury imports the new elite wanted. Slaves were, under Islamic law, deemed “minors” or “half-persons,” and so had rights that differed from those of the free Muslim. By the end of the 19th century there were more slaves on the local markets than could be sold; exports of captives to North Africa had already dropped. For some captives enslaved as children, however, the career as a slave led eventually to high political positions, even to owning many slaves of their own. But slaves’ property, even their children, ultimately belonged to the slave’s owner. Revolts by male slaves were very rare, but escape was commonplace. Concubines, if they ever became pregnant by their owner, could not be sold again. The abolition of slavery c.1903 was slow to become a reality for many individual slaves, whether men or women.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Eltantawi
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
First Century ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Phone Calls ◽  
Sokoto Caliphate ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
Sense Of Power

Eltantawi became interested in the case of Amina Lawal in 2002 when she was working in Washington DC in media and communications after the 9-11 attacks and was inundated with media phone calls about Lawal’s trial. This chapter introduces the book’s themes and lays out its guiding framework, the “sunnaic paradigm”: the concerns of Nigeria’s present, read back into the nineteenth century Sokoto Caliphate, which is then read back into the classical, Prophetic period of Islam. The sunnaic paradigm gave a sense of power to Nigerians as they embarked on the 1999 shar’ia experiment to overcome their societies’ significant challenges. The book wrestles throughout with how the seventh century past (birth of Islam) affects the twenty-first century present (demanding shar’ia).

Colonialism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Eltantawi
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
British Colonialism ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
International Human ◽  
Sokoto Caliphate ◽  
Human Rights Standards

This chapter delves into Nigeria’s experience with British colonialism, which culminated in the death of the Sokoto Caliphate in 1903. The chapter opens with pro-1999 shari’ah proponents reflecting on how they understand this experiment to redeem the trauma and rupture Nigerian’s suffered under colonialism. These pro-shari’ah proponents also understand international human rights standards as a form of neo-colonialism and take pride in opposing them. The chapter ends by showing how the British declaration of the “Native Courts Proclamation” in 1903 whereby stoning was outlawed exacerbated Nigerian tensions, as stoning was never practiced in Nigeria before this point. Therefore the declaration was considered an attack on Islamic law itself, called “legal warfare.”

The Sokoto Caliphate

2021 ◽  
pp. 1082-1110
Author(s):  
Murray Last
Keyword(s):  
Islamic State ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Local Officials ◽  
Shari'a Law ◽  
Sokoto Caliphate ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Standing Army

The Sokoto Caliphate, prior to 1964 generally referred to in print as the Fulani Empire, was Africa’s largest pre-colonial state and lasted for a century, coming into being in 1808 through a four-year jihad and finally in 1903 being conquered by Britain. As an Islamic state, it was run as a decentralized confederation of emirates under the supervision of the caliph and his bureaucracy in Sokoto. Though almost all the emirs initially were scholars chosen for their piety, they could be identified ethnically as Fulani/Fulbe (hence the “Fulani Empire”) whereas the majority of the population were Hausa-speakers. There was a very large number of slaves (at times over 50 percent), serving the elite or working as labor on farms, which supplied food to large households and markets in the cities. There was no standing army, but borders were closed by strategically sited ribats or strongholds. Conflicts were resolved by local administrators, with the courts using Shari‘a law; servants of local officials acted as police. The chapter’s argument is that the Sokoto Caliphate is more accurately categorized not as an “imperial” polity but as an Islamic state modeled as a confederation on Abbasid practice.

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