Maintaining Peace in the South China Sea and the Spratly Islands: Are there Acceptable Alternatives to the US Naval Forces Forward Deployed in the Asia Pacific Region?

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark S. Miller
2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110145
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro

This article examines how the ASEAN is managing the quintessential security challenges of the 21st century, particularly China’s emergence as a regional power, its expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea, and the US–China strategic rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. As an organization tackling these security concerns, the ASEAN lacks the essential mechanism for conflict resolution, operates through informal diplomacy and moral suasion, and relies on consensus in making decisions. As a result, China has effectively divided the association during the talks on the peaceful settlement of the South China Sea dispute. China is currently formulating with the ASEAN a Code of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. All the same, China has made sure that any future agreement with the ASEAN imposes no constraints on its expansionist moves in the contested waters, and contains provisions that benefit its interests in the long run. Meanwhile, US–China strategic competition has prompted the ASEAN to think of ways to deal with this potential security threat. However, the association has failed to come up with a common strategy. In conclusion, this article argues that China’s emergence as a regional power, its maritime expansion into the South China Sea, and the US–China geopolitical contest are testing both the capacity and the limits of the ASEAN in resolving these security issues.


Author(s):  
Rasha Suhail Mohamed Zaydan

International balances, especially the geostrategic balances the United States and China, are among the most important regional and international balances of the new international order, specifically the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to the importance of the strategic environment over which the two countries compete, if the South China Sea occupies a geostrategic position as a result of the political, economic and military security capabilities that it enjoys, then China regards it as a part of its territory and is subject to its regional sovereignty. The Asia_ Pacific region, and preventing the United States from competing with it and controlling it as a vital economic, commercial and military field, is security for it.                    


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thang NGUYEN DANG

Joint petroleum development has often been considered as a viable solution to the seemingly intractable Spratly Islands dispute in the South China Sea (SCS). This is, however, more easily said than done. On the other hand, little attention is paid to fisheries co-operation in the SCS despite the fact that fisheries constitute an important part in the economies of coastal states. The present laissez-faire approach to fisheries in the disputed area gives rise to friction and tension. By highlighting the salient features of existing fisheries’ co-operative arrangements in the world, this article demonstrates the merits of a fisheries arrangement in the SCS. It also argues that fisheries co-operation, as a low-profile undertaking, is probably easier to achieve than joint petroleum development. A fisheries arrangement would serve the immediate interests of parties to the Spratly Islands dispute and may pave the way for their future high-profile co-operation, i.e. joint petroleum development.


2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (436-437) ◽  
pp. 151-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Raine ◽  
Christian Le Mière

Author(s):  
Jude Woodward

This chapter (and the next) look at the US’s recent intervention in the South China Sea and China’s responses. It considers the varying domestic and strategic concerns of these primarily island countries. It analyses the drivers of their responses to the sovereignty disputes in the Sea and to the key US initiative of the TPP. This chapter and the next are linked to the one that follows on Vietnam, which also plays a critical role in the shifting relation of forces in the South China Sea disputes. This is the region where the US has invested most hopes in a dramatic shift in regional alignments against China. These chapters assess the US’s progress, and conclude that – despite its lack of a local ally with anything like the weight of Japan or South Korea and the immense geographic extension of American power involved in maintaining its presence in the region – in some respects the US ’rebalance’ strategies have made more progress here to China’s south than to its east.


2019 ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Patrick M. Cronin

2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhiguo Gao ◽  
Bing Bing Jia

The South China Sea has generally been a calm area of sea since ancient times. Until the late twentieth century, it had provided a fertile fishing ground for local fishermen from China and other littoral states, and a smooth route of navigation for the nations of the region and the rest of the international community. This tranquility has been disturbed, however, by two recent developments. The first was the physical occupation of the Nansha, or Spratly, Islands by some of the coastal states in the 1970s. This process continued through the rest of the century. Now, nearly all the islands and insular features within the Spratly Islands have been subjected to physical control by one littoral state or another.


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