scholarly journals IMPACTO DEL TLC PERU – UNION EUROPEA EN LAS EXPORTACIONES PERUANAS DE MANGOS AL REINO UNIDO. IMPACT OF THE FREE TRADE AGREEMENT PERU - EUROPEAN UNION IN PERUVIAN MANGO EXPORTS TO THE UNITED KINGDOM.

LOGOS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mag. Alfonso Cossio Carlín

RESUMENEl Objetivo General de la presente investigación es determinar el impacto que ha tenido el Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Perú y la Unión Europea en las exportaciones peruanas de mangos al Reino Unido (Inglaterra, Irlanda del Norte, Escocia y Gales). Las causas de dicho incremento no solamente se basan en un acceso preferencial (eliminación de aranceles de importación) sino también al aumento en el consumo de dicha fruta por parte de los residentes del Reino Unido. Este Tratado de Libre Comercio forma parte de una estrategia comercial integral que busca convertir al Perú en un país exportador, consolidando más mercados para su portafolio de productos, desarrollando una oferta exportable competitiva y promoviendo el comercio y la inversión, para brindar mayores oportunidades económicas y mejores niveles de vida.Por lo que en el presente artículo se presentan los siguientes ítems:IntroducciónMaterial y MétodoResultadosConclusionesBibliografíaPalabras claves: Tratado de Libre Comercio, consumo de mango, acceso preferencial.SUMMARYThe general objective of this research is to determine the impact that has had the Free Trade Agreement between Peru and the European Union in Peruvian exports of mangoes to the United Kingdom (England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales). The causes of this increase not only rely on preferential access (elimination of import tariffs) but also to increased consumption of the fruit by UK residents.This FTA is part of a comprehensive business strategy that seeks to turn Peru into an exporter, consolidating more markets for its product portfolio, developing a competitive export supply and promoting trade and investment, to provide greater economic opportunities and improved living standards.So in this article, the following items are presented:• Introduction• Material and Methods• Results• Conclusions• BibliographyKeywords: Free Trade, consumption of mango, preferential access.

Author(s):  
Kore M.A. Guei ◽  
Gift Mugano ◽  
Pierre Le Roux

Background: Using the partial equilibrium WITS-SMART Simulation model to assess the impact of liberalisation under the Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) of a free trade area between the European Union and South Africa. The identification of the impact of such agreement allows for trade policy negotiation adjustment that can be beneficial for South Africa.Aim: The aim of the study is to estimate and discuss the impact of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the European Union and South Africa. More specifically, the study intends to estimate the impact of revenue, welfare, imports, exports, trade creation and to come up with policies options for South Africa that can be used in negotiations and policy formulations.Setting: The study used international trade data (2012) available in the WITS-SMART model to assess bilateral trade agreement between the European Union and South Africa.Methods: To identify the impact on revenue, welfare, imports, exports and trade creation, the study simulated an FTA (0% tariff rate) for all goods exchanged between the European Union and South Africa. Also, the elasticity of substitution used for the simulation model was 99%.Results: The findings of the study reveal that total trade effects in South Africa are likely to surge by US$ 1.036 billion with a total welfare valued at US$ 134 million. Dismantling tariffs on all European Union (EU) goods would be beneficial to consumers through net trade creation. Total trade creation would be US$ 782 million. However, South African producers are likely to contribute a trade diversion of US$ 254 million which has a negative impact on consumer welfare. The country might also experience a revenue loss amounting to US$ 562 million because of the removal of tariffs. In trade, the country’s exports and imports to the EU are expected to increase by US$ 12.419 million and US$ 1.266 million, respectively.Conclusion: The European Union–South Africa FTA would result in both trade creation and trade expansion effects. However, trade creation and revenue loss are potential threats. In order to mitigate revenue loss, government needs to consider alternative tax such as consumption tax on certain goods and value-added tax.


Author(s):  
Aisha Riaz ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Ayyoub ◽  
Fouzia Yasmin

Currently, Brexit is a reality. How much of an impact will Brexit have on the economy of Pakistan? We address this question by analyzing Pakistan’s most recent trade data. Since in the existing European Union, Britain, France, Germany, and Italy are among the major exporting destinations, the economy of Pakistan cannot remain entirely immune to the implications of Brexit. However, our analysis shows that after the Brexit-vote in Britain on 23 June 2016, economic indicators of Pakistan remained stable, and the Brexit pressure on Pakistan’s economy has remained relatively muted so far. To maintain the ongoing stable export trends, we suggest that Pakistan needs to modernize its political diplomacy by formulating separate policies for Britain and the post-Brexit EU. Additionally, we propose that, instead of signing a free trade agreement (FTA) with the United Kingdom, Pakistan should bargain for an agreement like the ‘Generalized Scheme of Preferences Plus to access the post-Brexit UK market.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Anis Kacem

Tunisia has signed a free trade agreement with the European Union in 1996, which provides for the reduction of tariff barriers between Tunisia and the EU. In this article, we aim to know and test whether the similarity of the institutional framework has to stimulate international trade between Tunisia and the European Union. In this context, we built a variable called “Institutional distance” to valid the institutional dimension of international trade, near borders effects reported in the literature. To this end, a gravity model was used initially (Tunisia and 21 European countries). Secondly, the estimate shows the existence of spatial autocorrelation. The latter has been corrected using spatial econometrics. The results show that the geographical distance remains more important than the institutions in this type of agreement between north and south shores of the Mediterranean.


IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 301-317
Author(s):  
Mariano Barbato

The talks that have been resumed for reaching a free trade agreement between the European Union and India have a good chance for success. Both partners, especially India, have to achieve new economic dynamics in order to be able to face the challenge posed by China. This decisive reason is supported by Brexit, the pandemic and the climate crisis, which also spark an exogenous, geostrategic dynamic that gives new impetus to the paralyzed liberal paradigm of free trade. Taken together, it is likely that exogenous geostrategic factors realign the endogenous economic factors and thus promote a positive outcome despite the ongoing weakness of liberal free trade ideas.


2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-32
Author(s):  
Rumiana Yotova

ON 16 May 2017, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) delivered its Opinion 2/15 concerning the competence of the EU to conclude the Free Trade Agreement with Singapore (EUSFTA) (ECLI:EU:C:2017:376). The Opinion was requested by the Commission which argued, with the support of the European Parliament (EP), that the EU had exclusive competence to conclude the EUSFTA. The Council and 25 of the Member States countered that the EUSFTA should be concluded as a mixed agreement – that is, by the EU and each of its members – because some of its provisions fell under the shared competence of the organisation or the competence of the Member States alone.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 858-889
Author(s):  
Mahdev Mohan

Abstract Querying Poulsen’s view that some States negotiate investment treaties in ‘bounded’ rational ways, this article focuses on how the recently concluded European Union-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (EUSFTA) illustrates the evolution of Singapore’s treaty practice. Singapore has abandoned the ‘old’, and has joined the bandwagon of next-generation FTAs; yet, shrewdly, it is not fully convinced about the ‘new’ either. For example, the EUSFTA does not include a most-favoured nation clause, and does not commit to an appeals mechanism, unlike its Canadian and Vietnamese counterparts. Singapore’s caution appears to be motivated by a pragmatic desire to avoid the pitfalls that these provisions could bring with them, as Investor-State arbitration (ISA) jurisprudence demonstrates, and to study the implications of a recent decision by the EU’s highest court regarding the FTA. Indeed, that shows that the EU itself is now equally wary of the ISA regime removing disputes from the jurisdiction of national courts.


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