scholarly journals An Outline of the Parliamentarism and the One Party System: the Case of Togo

Afrika Focus ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 5 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile A.B. Van Rouveroy van Nieuwaal
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
African State ◽  
Empirical Reality ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Traditional Authorities ◽  
The One ◽  
Almost All ◽  
High Degree

Witnessed the last hundred years profound political and constitutional changes. In this respect there are many differences between African States depending on which kind of colonial overlord has been the ruling power. The African State was ajuridical entity in international law, but was it also, at the time of independence, an empirical entity in national fact? In almost all cases the empirical reality as a functioning government was still primarily the presence of European bureaucrats who has embodied the colonial state. Independence therefore opened a gap between the international legitimacy and the internal marginality of many emergent African State. The gap often presented a real political dilemma to the new African rulers: they usually could retain European officials only by compromising their national independence and could dispense with them only at the risk of undermining governmental performance. After adoption of European constitutional law and with, initially, a high degree of similarity between most constitutions in French-speaking Africa, nowadays these constitutions differ widely, contrary to the Commonwealth Africa that has experienced fewer innovations and constitutional breakdowns. Parliamentary systems of government gave way to One Party Systems, introduced in many cases by the national army, as the best equiped, trained, paid and organised power in the country.This has been the political and constitutional development in Togo as well. Since 1969, it has a One Party System, the Rassemblement du Peuple Togolais, founded by the President of the Togolese Republic, Gen. Gnassingbé Eyadéma. But, as everywhere else, doubts are growing about the effectiveness of the One Party System. Are the Togolese perspectives such that Eyadéma is willing to have an open mind and to be all ears for the critics to his own creation? Another intriguing question is to know in which way the African traditional authorities ("chieftancy"), as the core of the concern for the local world and as the embodiment of a moral and political order, could have a new (?) role in the socio-political development of the state in Africa? Will the chiefs' position in the long term be that of a noble élite, an echo from the past, useful as a tourist attraction or as managers of fun parks with safari possibilities. KEY WORDS: chieftancy, constitutions, legal pluralism, one party system, politics, Togo. 

scholarly journals Esquisse du Parlementarisme et du Monopartisme en Afrique: Le cas du Togo

Afrika Focus ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 5 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 107-131
Author(s):  
Emile A.B. van Rouveroy van Nieuwaal
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
African State ◽  
Empirical Reality ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Traditional Authorities ◽  
The One ◽  
Almost All ◽  
High Degree

An Outline of the Parliamentarism and the One Party System in AfriKa: The Case of Togo. Witnessed the last hundred years profound political and constitutional changes. In this respect there are many differences between African States depending on which kind of colonial overlord has been the ruling power. The African State was a juridical entity in international law, but was it also, at the time of independence, an empirical entity in national fact? In almost all cases the empirical reality as a functioning government was still primarily the presence of European bureaucrats who has embodied the colonial state. Independence therefore opened a gap between the international legitimacy and the internal marginality of many emergent African State. The gap often presented a real political dilemma to the new African rulers: they usually could retain European officials only by compromising their national independence and could dispense with them only at the risk of undermining governmental performance. After adoption of European constitutional law and with, initially, a high degree of similarity between most constitutions in French-speaking Africa, nowadays these constitutions differ widely, contrary to the Commonwealth Africa that has experienced fewer innovations and constitutional breakdowns. Parliamentary systems of government gave way to One Party Systems, introduced in many cases by the national army, as the best equiped, trained, paid and organised power in the country. This has been the political and constitutional development in Togo as well. Since 1969, it has a One Party System, the Rassemblement du Peuple Togolais, founded by the President of the Togolese Republic, Gen. Gnassingbé Eyadéma. But, as everywhere else, doubts are growing about the effectiveness of the One Party System. Are the Togolese perspectives such that Eyadéma is willing to have an open mind and to be all ears for the critics to his own creation? Another intriguing question is to know in which way the African traditional authorities (“chieftancy”), as the core of the concern for the local world and as the embodiment of a moral and political order, could have a new (?) role in the socio-political development of the state in Africa? Will the chiefs’ position in the long term be that of a noble élite, an echo from the past, useful as a tourist attraction or as managers of fun parks with safari possibilities.

Ethnography and Education

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alpesh Maisuria ◽  
Dennis Beach
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Critical Realism ◽  
Critical Ethnography ◽  
Empirical Reality ◽  
State Education ◽  
Marxist Approach ◽  
The One ◽  
And Function

As described in Beach and Dovemark’s 2007 book, Education and the Commodity Problem, critical researchers have identified two fundamental roles for modern-day schools within capitalist states. These are the ideological and material roles and function, where schools produce ideologically compliant workers and consumers for a corporatist economy on the one hand, this is partly through a teaching and a curriculum, which is often hidden and informal; and, on the other form part of a corporate business plan for the accumulation of private capital in the welfare sector through mass outsourcing of welfare-State education provision and the wholesale commodification of education as a public service. This article presents a research method for investigating education in these circumstances. It is a method with a philosophical foundation not only for understanding contemporary educational empirical reality under neoliberal forms of capitalism, but also for developing critical consciousness for the transcendence and transformation of this condition toward a more just form of political economy and human existence. This research method draws from critical realism and its concept of explanatory critique as a way to forge a scientifically robust Marxist critical ethnography. In relation to this, the description of the method accompanies an overview of some of the basic principles and broadly accepted possibilities of and for ethnography and critical ethnography, followed by a presentation of what Marxist critical ethnography is and how Marxist critical ethnography functions as explanatory critique, respectively. This entails description of what explanatory critique is, and how it can be used to develop a philosophy of social science and an ontological base for ethnography. The aforementioned components together expand on a historical, theoretical, conceptual, and political development of ethnography as part of a Marxist approach to research and practice for social transformation.

scholarly journals The Togolese Chiefs: caught between the Scylla and Charibdis?

Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile A. B. van Rouveroy Van Nieuwaal
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
African State ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Traditional Elite ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One

In recent years, political and other scientists have wondered whether the African One Party system is able to cope with all the problems a modern state administration has to deal with. One of the most intriguing questions is to what extent the One Party Rule, as a political system, produces a structural and fundamental weakness in itself by which an effective (local) government is nearly been obstructed. It is noticeable, however, that in those African States where the (neo)traditional elite still plays an important role, their socio-legal and socio-political position in the day-to-day interaction between the (local) administration has - scientifically - received too little attention. It appears, that chieftaincy possesses a remarkable capacity for adapting itself to social and political changes. The chief can probably fulfil a crucial role in future efforts aimed at socio-economic transformations at regional and even national levels. The Togolese Government, in 1990 started opening the door to a multiparty system, it hereby recognizes the fact that the (neo)traditional elite is an outstanding means to maintain the interaction and the communication between the State and the people.This contribution focuses on the interaction between the State in Togo and - in this very example: the Head of the State himself - and chiefs in North Togo particulary in the district of Sokodé in the period 1989 and 1987 at the moment that the paramount chief of the Tern (Kotokoli) has passed away and his succession to the throne has been the start of a strong, long and vehement struggle for power inside the Tern society and to a negotiation between the Head of State and the traditional political elite of that society. KEY WORDS: African administration, African State, chieftaincy, Togo, One Party System 

scholarly journals Political Development of Turkey

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ergun Özbudun
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Constitutional System ◽  
The One ◽  
Bureaucratic State ◽  
Center Periphery

This article is divided into three main parts: the Historical Setting, the Constitutional System, and Contemporary Politics. The first part analyzes the Ottoman-Turkish political developments from the start of the reform period to the transition to a competitive party system (1789–1946). Indeed, Turkey offers an interesting combination of elements of change and continuity. On the one hand, the change from the multinational and multireligious Ottoman monarchy to a Westernizing, republican nation-state represents a sharp break with the past. On the other hand, below this surface of radical change one can observe strong elements of continuity, such as an authoritarian and statist political culture that prioritizes the “sublime interests of the state” (raison d’état) over individual rights and liberties. It is also true that the main center-periphery cleavage in contemporary Turkish politics had its roots in the Ottoman past. The center-periphery cleavage in the Turkish context denotes the cleavage between the central military and bureaucratic state elites, on the one hand, and all social segments that remain outside this center, on the other. The second part focuses on the present constitutional system, with references to earlier constitutional developments. It will be observed that none of the Ottoman and the republican constitutions, with the partial exception of that of 1921, were made by a freely elected and broadly representative constituent or legislative assembly through a process of genuine deliberations and compromises. Consequently, they all lacked sufficient democratic legitimacy. The third part analyzes various aspects of contemporary Turkish politics, from the democratic transition in the mid-1940s up to the present time. One of the most striking facts about contemporary Turkish politics is that, despite nearly seventy years of multi-party competitive politics, Turkey has not yet been able to fully consolidate its democratic system and, since 2013, it has been experiencing a drift toward authoritarianism. This part also deals with such challenges as the rise of political Islam and of Kurdish nationalism.

Conclusion

2018 ◽  
pp. 172-186
Author(s):  
Devin Caughey
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One ◽  
Jim Crow South

This chapter discusses the implications of the revisionist portrait of Southern politics introduced in the previous chapters. It begins by considering how much the South has changed since the dismantlement of the one-party system. It also examines the qualitative distinction between the status of blacks and whites in the Jim Crow South. Southern members of Congress (MCs) could not ignore whites' preferences the way they did blacks', a fact with important implications for their behavior in office and, indirectly, for the course of American political development. The chapter then explores this book's implications for our understanding of American political development, of mass politics in authoritarian regimes, and of the role of parties in democracy. After all, just because the one-party South was not itself a democracy does not mean that we cannot learn something about democracy from studying it. Chief among the lessons here is the claim that a multiparty system—and specifically, partisan electoral competition—is a necessary condition for democracy.

Machine Politics and Democracy: The Deinstitutionalization of the Argentine Party System

2008 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo Scherlis
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strategic Flexibility ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The One

AbstractThis article contends that intra-party dynamics based on particularistic exchanges constitute a double-edged sword for a political system. On the one hand, they provide party leaders with strategic flexibility, which can be essential for their party stability and for the governability of the political system. On the other hand, in permitting office holders to switch policies whenever they consider fit, these dynamics render governments unpredictable and unaccountable in partisan terms, thus debasing the quality of democratic representation. The hypothesis is illustrated by recent Argentine political development.

El Prestige: comparativa de los regímenes internacionales de responsabilidad civil

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Raquel Fernández González ◽  
Marcos Íñigo Pérez Pérez
Keyword(s):  
Institutional Economics ◽  
Geographical Area ◽  
New Institutional Economics ◽  
Rigorous Analysis ◽  
Judicial Process ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Civil Responsibility ◽  
The One ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The Prestige

The return of institutions to the main research agenda has highlighted the importance of rules in economic analysis. The New Institutional Economics has allowed a better understanding of the case studies that concern different areas of knowledge, also the one concerning the management of natural resources. In this article, the institutional analysis focuses on the maritime domain, where two large civil liability regimes for pollution coexist (OPA 90-IMO), each in a different geographical area (United States - Europe). Therefore, a comparative analysis is made between the two large regimes of civil responsibility assignment applying them to the Prestige catastrophe. In this way, the allocation and distribution of responsibilities in the investigation and subsequent judicial process of the Prestige is compared with an alternative scenario in which the applicable compensation instruments are governed by the provisions of the Oil Polution Act of 1990 (OPA 90), in order to establish a rigorous analysis on the effects that the different norms can have in the same scenario. In the comparative established in the case of the Prestige, where the responsibilities were solved very slowly in a judicial process with high transaction costs, the application of rules governed by the OPA 90 would not count with such a high degree of imperfection. This is so, since by applying the preponderance of the evidence existing in OPA 90 there would be no mitigation for the presumed culprits. On the other hand, the agents involved in the sinking would not be limited only to the owner, but also that operators or shipowners would be responsible as well. In addition, the amount of compensation would increase when counting in the damage count the personal damages, the taxes without perceiving and the ecological damage caused in a broad sense, damages not computable in the IMO.

NURTURING OF CHILDREN THROUGH DRAMA AND THEATRE: THE CASE OF INTWASA KOBULAWAYO PERFORMANCES

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 86-99
Author(s):  
Vimbai Moreblessing Matiza
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Children And Youth ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Growing Up ◽  
Theatrical Performances ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One

Dramatic and theatrical performances have a long history of being used as tools to enhance development in children and youth. In pre-colonial times there were some forms of drama and theatre used by different communities in the socialisation of children. It is in the same vein that this article, through the Intwasa koBulawayo performances, seeks to evaluate how drama and theatre are used to nurture children and youth into different developmental facets of their lives. The only difference which this article will take into cognisance is that the performances are done in a different environment, which is not the one used in the pre-colonial times. Although these performances were like this, the most important factor is the idea that children and youth are socialised through these performances. It is also against this backdrop that children and youth are growing up in a globalised environment, hence the performances should accommodate people from all walks of life and teach them relevant issues pertaining to life as they live it now. Thus the main task of the article is to spell out the role of drama and theatre in the nurturing of children and youth through socio economic and political development in Intwasa koBulawayo festivals.

Activity of modern right-wing radical parties in the Czech Republic

2019 ◽  
pp. 164-173
Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Political Radicalism

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.

scholarly journals The Diagnosis and Therapy of Degenerative Knee Joint Disease: Expert Consensus from the Chinese Pain Medicine Panel

2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dong Huang ◽  
Yan-Qing Liu ◽  
Li-Shuang Liang ◽  
Xue-Wu Lin ◽  
Tao Song ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Clinical Practice ◽  
Diagnosis And Treatment ◽  
Joint Disease ◽  
Knee Joints ◽  
Reproduction Rate ◽  
Pain Specialist ◽  
Chinese Association ◽  
The One ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Based Medicine

At present, there are many constantly updated guidelines and consensuses on the diagnosis and treatment of osteoarthritis both at home and abroad. The recommendations established using methods of evidence-based medicine has experienced strict research on controlling bias and promoting reproduction rate. As a result, the previous evidence was reevaluated, and a lot of changes were provoked in the diagnosis and treatment concept of osteoarthritis. However, several methods not recommended by foreign guidelines are still in use in the current clinical practice in China. On the one hand, Chinese experts have not reached extensive consensus on whether it is necessary to make changes according to foreign guidelines. On the other hand, almost all the current relevant guidelines are on osteoarthritis, but the lesions around knee joints which, as a whole, bear the largest weight in human body, cannot be ignored. For this purpose, Chinese Association for the Study of Pain (CASP) organized some leading experts to formulate this Chinese Pain Specialist Consensus on the diagnosis and treatment of degenerative knee osteoarthritis (DKOA) in combination with the guidelines in foreign countries and the expert experience of clinical practice in China. The consensus, which includes the definition, pathophysiology, epidemiology, clinical manifestation, diagnostic criteria, and treatments of DKOA, is intended to be used by first-line doctors, including pain physicians to manage patients with DKOA.

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