scholarly journals The Togolese Chiefs: caught between the Scylla and Charibdis?

Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile A. B. van Rouveroy Van Nieuwaal

In recent years, political and other scientists have wondered whether the African One Party system is able to cope with all the problems a modern state administration has to deal with. One of the most intriguing questions is to what extent the One Party Rule, as a political system, produces a structural and fundamental weakness in itself by which an effective (local) government is nearly been obstructed. It is noticeable, however, that in those African States where the (neo)traditional elite still plays an important role, their socio-legal and socio-political position in the day-to-day interaction between the (local) administration has - scientifically - received too little attention. It appears, that chieftaincy possesses a remarkable capacity for adapting itself to social and political changes. The chief can probably fulfil a crucial role in future efforts aimed at socio-economic transformations at regional and even national levels. The Togolese Government, in 1990 started opening the door to a multiparty system, it hereby recognizes the fact that the (neo)traditional elite is an outstanding means to maintain the interaction and the communication between the State and the people.This contribution focuses on the interaction between the State in Togo and - in this very example: the Head of the State himself - and chiefs in North Togo particulary in the district of Sokodé in the period 1989 and 1987 at the moment that the paramount chief of the Tern (Kotokoli) has passed away and his succession to the throne has been the start of a strong, long and vehement struggle for power inside the Tern society and to a negotiation between the Head of State and the traditional political elite of that society. KEY WORDS: African administration, African State, chieftaincy, Togo, One Party System 

Afrika Focus ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-152
Author(s):  
Emile A. B. van Rouveroy

In recent years, political and other scientists have wondered whether the African One Party system is able to cope with all the problems a modern state administration has to deal with. One of the most intriguing questions is to what extent the One Party Rule, as a political system, produces a structural and fundamental weakness in itself by which an effective (local) government is nearly been obstructed. It is noticeable, however, that in those African States where the (neo)traditional elite still plays an important role, their socio-legal and socio-political position in the day-to-day interaction between the (local) administration has - scientifically - received too little attention. It appears, that chieftaincy possesses a remarkable capacity for adapting itself to social and political changes. The chief can probably fulfil a crucial role in future efforts aimed at socio-economic transformations at regional and even national levels. The Togolese Government, in 1990 started opening the door to a multiparty system, it hereby recognizes the fact that the (neo )traditional elite is an outstanding means to maintain the interaction and the communication between the State and the people. This contribution focuses on the interaction between the State in Togo and - in this very example: the Head of the State himself- and chiefs in North Togo particulary in the district of Sokodé in the period 1989 and 1987 at the moment that the paramount chief of the Tern (Kotokoli) has passed away and his succession to the throne has been the start of a strong, long and vehement struggle for power inside the Têm society and to a negotiation between the Head of State and the traditional political elite of that society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 86-98
Author(s):  
Ivan Popov

The paper deals with the organization and decisions of the conference of the Minister-Presidents of German lands in Munich on June 6-7, 1947, which became the one and only meeting of the heads of the state governments of the western and eastern occupation zones before the division of Germany. The conference was the first experience of national positioning of the regional elite and clearly demonstrated that by the middle of 1947, not only between the allies, but also among German politicians, the incompatibility of perspectives of further constitutional development was existent and all the basic conditions for the division of Germany became ripe. Munich was the last significant demonstration of this disunity and the moment of the final turn towards the three-zone orientation of the West German elite.


Author(s):  
Y. Romanenko

The purpose of this research is a comparative description of the visual features of the national flags of Russia and Albania as symbols of diffusion of macroidentity, which is expressed in the contradictory vectors of their foreign policy and focus on both European and Asian macroidentity. Based on color semantics, the article analyzes the state flags of Russia and Albania, which, as in state symbols, reveal the features of the geopolitical positioning of states. The connection between the axial symbol of identity – the double-headed eagle – and the bifurcation (diffuseness) of political macroidentity is shown. The features common to the two states are shown: a tendency toward geopolitical isolationism, authoritarian state power, the dependence of the institution of the church on the state and statist atheism, the prevalence of corrupt practices, the emphasis on forced modernization and extraordinary technologies for overcoming situations of foreign political challenges. It is stated that in both countries there is a corruption of power, a sign of which is a fierce struggle for power during most of Byzantine history. It was determined that this struggle was not waged by political methods, but by force – a military coup, uprising or assassination of the current head of state. In the geopolitical position of Albania, this was due to Skannerberg’s attempt to combine two in one: Islamic and Orthodox identities, as well as situational adaptation of the country’s political elite to the next occupier: from 1443, i.e. the years of struggle against Turkish rule and until 1944 the coat of arms acquired alternately Turkish, Austrian, Greek, Italian and Soviet-Russian details. The coat of arms of the Russian Federation also contains Byzantine elements, which indicates a spiritual succession with the Byzantine Empire, however, with less borrowing.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 37-47
Author(s):  
Dorota Żygadło-Czopnik

Backlash, or what are the makers of the new Czech drama afraid of. In November 1989 various theater groups participated in overthrowing the totalitarian regime by improvising discussion forums. After the so-called Velvet Revolution, it was the writer and playwright Václav Havel who became head of state while another playwright, Milan Uhde, became the Minister of Culture and Speaker of the Parliament. Nowadays the Czech theater scene is immensely diversified. We can divide the authors who began writing their dramas after 1989 into two generational groups. On the one hand, there are authors born in 1960–1970, who entered the post-totalitarian times already as mature adults and who at the moment have long experience in their artistic work as playwrights, actors or directors it is quite common that those people write and direct their own work. On the other, there is a younger group which is made of people who were still children during the communist era, and their artistic activity was shaped and took place in most recent years. We are talking about a generation of artists who share a common experience of totalitarianism in childhood and adolescence, as well as the difficult transition between the two systems: communist and capitalist.Backlash neboli čeho se bojí tvůrci nejnovější české dramaturgie. V listopadu 1989 se v České republice divadelní soubory pořádáním improvizovaných diskuzních fór účastnily svržení totalitního režimu. Po tzv. sa­metové revoluci stanul v čele státu spisovatel a dramaturg Václav Havel a další dramaturg, Milan Uhde, se stal ministrem kultury a předsedou Poslanecké sněmovny. V současnosti je česká divadelní scéna nesmírně rozrůzněná. Jména autorů, kteří začali svá umělecká díla psát po roce 1989, můžeme rozdělit do dvou generačních skupin. Na jedné straně máme autory narozené v letech 1960–1970, kteří do posttotalitních časů vstoupili už jako dospělí lidé a v současnosti za sebou mají většinou dlouholeté zkušenosti v umělecké práci, nebo v roli autorů dramat, herců případně režisérů často se jedná o osoby, které svoje kusy píší a zároveň režírují. Skupinu mladých umělců tvoří lidé divadla, kteří v době ko­munismu byli ještě dětmi, a jejich umělecká činnost se formuje a připadá na nedávná léta. Je tu řeč o generaci umělců, které spojuje společná zkušenost totalitarismu v dětství a raném mládí a také obtížný přechod mezi dvěma systémy: komunistickým a kapitalistickým. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.


2019 ◽  
pp. 153-154
Author(s):  
Mykola Obushnyi

In the context of decentralization of state administration and expansion of powers of local authorities in Ukraine, the ability of, on the one hand, the leadership of the state and, on the other, regional managers, to find compromise solutions taking into account the specifics of each region and state interests becomes important. The monograph is devoted to clarifying the specifics of such an important area in the spiritual life of Ukrainians in Galicia - state-church relations and the problems that arise in the way of their solution in the context of decentralization. The research problem posed by the authors is generally revealed at the level of requirements for this type of work and will be useful to all who are not indifferent to the study of ethno-religious relations in Ukraine.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helge Kjekshus

The introduction of the one-party system in Tanzania in 1965 was in part explained as a means of rescuing the National Assembly or Bunge from decline and decay. This institution had become a rubber stamp, according to the Presidential Commission, making few meaningful contributions to the system of government: debates had become ‘lifeless and superficial’, and legislation was passed rapidly and uncritically, ‘without challenge to basic principles or careful examination of detailed provisions’. The President had appropriately raised the question of whether the National Assembly should be formally removed from the structure of the state, or amalgamated with that of the ruling party.


Law Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Thomas Tokan Pureklolon

<p><em><strong>Abstract</strong></em></p><p><em>Pancasila is not only a source of derivation of legislation, but also a source of morality, especially in relation to the legitimacy of power, law and various policies in the implementation and administration of the state. The existence of the first precept of "The Almighty Godhead", and the second precept of "Fair and Civilized Humanity" is the source of moral values </em><em></em><em>for national and state life. The state of Indonesia which is based on the first precept of "The Almighty God" is not a "theocracy" state which bases state power and state administration on religious legitimacy. The power of the head of state is not absolute based on religious legitimacy but based on legal legitimacy and democratic legitimacy. Therefore, the principle of the principle of "Godhead of the Almighty" has more to do with moral legitimacy. This is what distinguishes the Almighty God from theocracy. The writing method in this journal is a qualitative method, with an interdisciplinary approach. Although in the Indonesian state it is not based on religious legitimacy, morally the life of the state must be in accordance with the values </em><em></em><em>derived from God, especially the law and morals in the life of the state.</em><strong><em></em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: Political Ethics, Law, Pancasila</em></strong></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Pancasila tidak hanya merupakan sumber derivasi peraturan perundang-undangan, melainkan juga merupakan sumber moralitas, terutama dalam hubungannya dengan legitimasi kekuasaan, hukum serta berbagai kebijakan dalam pelaksanaan dan penyelenggaraan negara. Eksistensi sila pertama “Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa”, serta sila kedua “Kemanusiaan yang Adil dan Beradab” merupakan sumber atas nilai-nilai moral bagi kehidupan kebangsaan dan kenegaraan. Negara Indonesia yang berdasarkan sila pertama “Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa” bukanlah negara “teokrasi” yang mendasarkan kekuasaan negara dan penyelenggaraan negara pada legitimasi religius. Kekuasaan kepala negara tidak bersifat mutlak berdasarkan legitimasi religius, melainkan berdasarkan legitimasi hukum serta legitimasi demokrasi. Oleh karena itu asas sila “Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa” lebih berkaitan dengan legitimasi moral. Hal inilah yang membedakan negara yang Berketuhanan Yang Maha Esa dengan negara teokrasi. Metode penulisan dalam jurnal ini adalah metode kualitatif, dengan pendekatan interdisipliner. Walaupun dalam negara Indonesia tidak mendasarkan pada legitimasi religius, secara moralitas kehidupan negara harus sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang berasal dari Tuhan, terutama hukum serta moral dalam kehidupan negara.</p><p><strong>Kata kunci: Etika Politik, Hukum, Pancasila</strong></p>


Author(s):  
Yuriy Payda

The concept and legal nature of public administration have been analyzed. The analysis of research works has allowed to state that the term "public administration" is considered in two aspects - structural and procedural (or functional) where public administration should be understood as executive bodies, local self-government bodies, as well as entities endowed by the state with public administration functions that perform public administration functions and whose purpose is to ensure the interests of the state and society as a whole, and their activities carried out within the law. The principles of administrative and legal regulation of public administration in Ukraine and the concepts, principles of administrative and legal regulation of public administration have been studied. The author has found out that the essential features of public administration are: public administration is subordinated to political power (i.e., parliament, head of state); public administration ensures the implementation and application of laws (i.e., implements the political decisions of parliament); public administration acts (should act) in the public interest; public administration is endowed with the prerogatives of public authority (that is, powers that allow mandatory instructions to be given to individuals). While the system of central executive bodies consists of the ministries of Ukraine and other central executive bodies the system of central executive bodies is a component of the system of executive bodies, the highest body of which is the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. The local state administration is a local executive body and is part of the system of executive bodies. The local state administration, within the limits of its powers, exercises executive power on the territory of the respective administrative-territorial unit, as well as exercises the powers delegated to it by the relevant council.


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 95-100
Author(s):  
Emese Belényesi

Because of the characteristics of state administration, the qualifying processes for the public service are necessarily complex. The state administrative activity is not based on a well-definable profession but on a number of different professions, and it is nevertheless an activity in possession of state power on the one hand and it is public service on the other. A basic requirement towards all civil servants is that they correspond to this twofold role of state authority and public service and consequently they have to learn and apply in practice the skills and procedures. The development of human resources in the state administration field can be achieved by a moduled further education system that runs constantly along the civil servant's career. Relating ideas such as alterations in in-training systems, its aims, its thematization and application and the future possibilities and direction of development are also dealt with in the study.


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