Trade Prospects of the New EU Neighborhood Policy: Evidence from Hausman and Taylor's Models

2005 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1850031 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Péridy

One major objective of the new EU neighborhood policy is to move towards more trade integration between the enlarged EU and its new Eastern and Southern neighbors, i.e., Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, as well as Southern Mediterranean and Caucasus countries. Using recent theoretical developments in gravity models, this paper derives an estimable equation, which particularly focuses on trade costs. This equation is then used to investigate the new neighbors' export potential towards the EU market. For this purpose, several Hausman and Taylor's models are implemented in order to consider the correlation between certain independent variables and the residuals which are used to calculate trade potentials. Results outline that the NNCs' export potential is generally significant, especially for the new Eastern neighbors. However, it seems that this potential is limited for Mediterranean countries, as they have already enjoyed preferential market access with regards to the EU. Finally, an extension of the analysis to Middle-East and Gulf countries also highlights significant trade potentials with the EU.

New Medit ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
Mohamed Amine Hedoui ◽  
Dimitrios Natos ◽  
Konstadinos Mattas

EU agricultural integrated policies among the EU and the southern Mediterranean countries are more evidently distilled through the EU-Mediterranean process (EUROMED). After 10 years of the Agadir agreement entry into force, this paper attempts to assess the agriculture trade integration among countries signed under the agreement, namely Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Jordan, by evaluating firstly the degree of sectorial and geographical dispersion of the four countries agricultural exports and secondly appraising the extent of agricultural trade complementarity towards EU countries. In this study, using the available agricultural trade data for the period 2007-2016 and the twenty-four agricultural sectors classification (CN codes 01-24), we will build three trade indices; Regional Hirschman, Sectorial Hirschman and the Trade Complementarity Index. And, finally, we will discuss the result and highlight the limitation and the challenges that hinder agricultural trade integration among southern and northern Mediterranean countries.


New Medit ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luca Camanzi ◽  
Giulio Malorgio ◽  
Abdelhakim Hammoudi

Abstract Despite the advantages ensuing from preferential market access agreements, trade exchanges between Southern Mediterranean Countries (SMCs) and the EU are often hindered by food safety issues. These are particularly relevant for fruit and vegetables, which are subject to heterogeneous regulations in SMCs. This paper seeks to outline governance solutions to improve ex-ante compliance capacity of SMCs production and to enhance integration with the EU market. A set of research hypotheses, concerning the difficulties and benefits related with food safety compliance, are formulated. These hypotheses are then discussed in the light of the empirical evidence gathered from (i) public bodies involved in food safety enforcement and (ii) a direct survey conducted on 37 stakeholders in the fruit and vegetable supply chain in Italy. The main problems identified relate to the scarce harmonization among control systems in EU Member States and insufficient checks in exporting countries. The main benefits include the reduction of sanitary risk and the reinforcement of long-term trust-based relations along the supply chain. The most promising strategies encompass the improvement of inspections on production sites and of infrastructures in the countries of origin. Further areas of intervention concern the harmonization of food safety regulation between EU countries and SMCs and the development of bilateral cooperation and technical training programs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 89-103
Author(s):  
Naim Mathlouthi

This Article draws on the analysis of historical relations between the European Union and the Southern Mediterranean countries and highlights the main initiatives and consequences of the adopted practices of democratisation in the region following the Arab Uprisings. The main focus is on the continuity and limited changes in the new approach. One of the main findings is that the limited reform of the EU approach primarily resulted from the inherited political constraints. The net result was a set of structured security-orientated relationships that will continue to repeat earlier mistakes before 2011. The mechanisms of democracy promotion including conditionality remained inherently full of contradictions. The double standards in applying the conditionality principle  in addition to the lack of significant leverage rendered the EU democratisation approach of the Southern neighbours inapt. Despite the  2011 ENP review promise of a substantial change in the EU democratisation approach, it seems that the EU’s initial euphoria following the “Arab spring” has waned as it  seems to repeat the same old approach  of  liberalisation and securitisation of the  Southern Mediterranean region rather than democratisation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
M. Luisa Martí Selva ◽  
José M. García Álvarez-Coque

The aim of this research is to discuss a different way to represent the influence of Association Agreements on the agricultural trade between Southern Mediterranean Countries and the European Union in the period 1995-2004. A yearly analysis makes it possible to study trade changes after the Association Agreement between European Union and Southern Mediterranean Countries. For assessment of the Association Agreements, groups of countries with different treatment granted by the EU can separately considered. For these purposes, a gravity model approach could be of help, in particular for differentiated products such as fruits and vegetables.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-120
Author(s):  
L. D. Oganisyan

Political instability in the Middle East and North Africa in the early 2010s, accompanied by an escalation of the terrorist threat and uncontrolled migration, caused serious concern in the European Union about the situation in the Arab world. As a consequence, the EU has noticeably increased assistance to Iraq, providing Baghdad with substantial support in the fight against the Islamic State, preventing the humanitarian crisis, stabilizing the situation and promoting post-conflict reconstruction. However, these efforts have not yet been explored in depth by the Russian experts, who traditionally focus on the EU relations with the Southern Mediterranean countries.The author aims to reveal the logic behind the evolution of the European Union’s policy towards Iraq since 2014, as well as its impact on the EU assistance programmes to this country. The paper consists of three sections: the first one outlines the evolution of the EU strategic priorities in Iraq during 2014–2019, the second covers the major assistance programmes implemented by the European Union, both bilaterally and multilaterally, in Iraq; the third examines the EU reaction to the rising tensions in Iraq at the turn of 2019–2020.The author concludes that the EU’s growing interest in Iraq in recent years stems not only from concerns about transformation of this country into a source of cross-border challenges and threats, but also from the conviction of the EU officials that Iraq might potentially become the cornerstone of a new regional security architecture. On the basis of these considerations, the EU provides a comprehensive support to Iraq, including both humanitarian aid and development assistance aimed primarily at eliminating the fundamental causes of instability and radicalization. At the same time while demonstrating its commitment to develop cooperation with both government agencies and non-governmental organizations, the EU clearly prefers to assist Iraq through international organizations, rather than directly. Although the EU’s ability to influence Baghdad remains limited, compared to that of the US and regional actors, the European Union is perceived in Iraq as a neutral player and this might facilitate the achievement of its policy objectives. However, taking into account such factors as a high level of corruption in Iraq, substantial resources for reconstruction already available for the country, as well as Brussels’ focus on Syria, the scope of the EU’s further involvement in Iraq remains unclear.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 3551-3564
Author(s):  
Albana Kona ◽  
Fabio Monforti-Ferrario ◽  
Paolo Bertoldi ◽  
Marta Giulia Baldi ◽  
Georgia Kakoulaki ◽  
...  

Abstract. The Paris Agreement has underlined the role of cities in combating climate change. The Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate & Energy (GCoM) is the largest international initiative dedicated to promoting climate action at a city level, covering globally over 10 000 cities and almost half the population of the European Union (EU) by end of March 2020. The fifth Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report notes that there is a lack of comprehensive, consistent datasets of cities' greenhouse gas (GHG) emission inventories. In order to partly address this gap, we present a harmonised, complete and verified dataset of GHG inventories for 6200 cities in European and Southern Mediterranean countries, signatories of the GCoM initiative. To complement the reported emission data, a set of ancillary data that have a direct or indirect potential impact on cities' climate action plans were collected from other datasets, supporting further research on local climate action and monitoring the EU 27 (the 27 member states of the EU) progress on Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 13 on climate action. The dataset (Kona et al., 2020) is archived and publicly available with the DOI https://doi.org/10.2905/57A615EB-CFBC-435A-A8C5-553BD40F76C9.


Author(s):  
Chiara Saraceno ◽  
David Benassi ◽  
Enrica Morlicchio

Italy is one of the EU countries that was hardest hit by the 2008 financial crisis and is also slowest in recovering, even compared to other Mediterranean countries that share some of its societal features. Poverty has steadily increased throughout the period following 2008, and no clear indication of a trend reversal is yet visible. Working poor, the young, children and migrant foreign households are the main victims of the situation. Also the territorial divide has deepened, with the Southern regions bearing the brunt of the crisis much more, and for a longer time, than the Centre-North ones. According to the authors, the duration and depth of the crisis in Italy, and its impact on poverty, were largely a consequence of long-term structural features of the Italian economy, of its weak and fragmented social safety net, with its high expectations concerning family solidarity and the gender division of labour on the one hand, of its sluggish growth since the 1990s on the other. Governments’ austerity choices in reaction to the crisis (and under pressure from the EU) have further strengthened these features, although the recent introduction of a minimum income provision has marked an important change in the policy approach to poverty.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Damien Geradin ◽  
Nicolas Petit

The main objective of this paper is to examine the state of adoption and implementation of competition rules in the 12 Southern Mediterranean countries (the "Mediterranean Partners") engaged in association agreements with the EC in the framework of the Barcelona Declaration of November 1995.


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