scholarly journals Young Bosnia: Literary action 1908-1914

Balcanica ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 155-184
Author(s):  
Predrag Palavestra

Literary work and criticism was a significant aspect of the public activity of the short-lived Young Bosnia movement, but an aspect which has been unjustly neglected in historiography or overshadowed by the political aspect marked by the struggle for national liberation. Much as the movement was unstructured, contradiction-ridden and often uncertain whether to give precedence to the ethical or the aesthetic dimension of literature, its openness to the pace-setting European cultures gave an impetus to laying the literary and intellectual groundwork for the modernization of not only the local literary scene in Bosnia-Herzegovina but also of the shared cultural space in interwar Yugoslavia.

2005 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-75
Author(s):  
Andrew Basden

In “On the character of social communities; the state and the public domain” [Philosophia Reformata 69(2):125-39, 2004] Dick Stafleu has suggested that the social aspect as currently constituted under Dooyeweerd, covers two distinct things: ”¢ companionship ”¢ authority and discipline, and that the latter should become a new aspect, the political, placed after the economic and before the juridical. (Stafleu seems to have dispensed with the aesthetic aspect that currently lies between those two aspects, largely taking Seerveld’s line that it should be redefined and placed earlier; see footnote 9 on p.130) I would like to briefly suggest some issues that need to be discussed and resolved before his suggestion is adopted. I have long felt the tension between the two parts of Dooyeweerd’s version of the social aspect that Stafleu refers to — companionship and authority — and I think Stafleu is right to open up discussion about it. But I am not happy that his proposal either is necessary or solves the problem. Moreover, I can also understand something of Dooyeweerd’s own thinking as he kept the two together.


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 135-154
Author(s):  
Marina Galletti

This article aims to retrace the history of the Acéphale secret society and its role in the development of the work of Bataille, notably the unfinished project of the Atheological Summa ( Somme athéologique) . Based on sociological notions of the ‘secret society’ and ‘the society of men’, it updates the dual aspects of Acéphale: a diurnal or ‘political’ aspect constituted by the publication of the journal Acéphale, and afterwards by the public activity of the College of Sociology; and a nocturnal or religious side, as evidenced by the activity of the secret society itself, an activity aiming to strengthen the communitarian link amongst the followers, and to open them up to what Caillois would call ‘a broader conspiracy’.


Hypatia ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-174
Author(s):  
Eduardo Mendieta

María Pía Lara's two books, La Democracia como proyecto de identidad ética and Moral Textures: Feminist Narratives in the Public Sphere are described and analyzed. Her contribution to a feminist left-Habermasian theory of the relationship between the aesthetic dimension and the political imaginary are discussed. Questions and concerns, however, are raised regarding the assumptions of universal pragmatics and Lara's attempt to offer a positive reading of the dependence of the political imaginary on literary acts and genres.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 234-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liz Tomlin

AbstractIn this essay, I will examine the development of a growing trend of democratisation in British contemporary theatre that seeks to reject the expertise of playwrights, actors or professional ensembles in favour of verbatim material drawn from a range of the public selected for their ordinariness, or conceptual frameworks within which the audience themselves construct and perform the aesthetic content of the work.This essay seeks to highlight how the discursive and aesthetic framing of real people in this context can, in certain instances, be seen to reflect the construction of ‘real, ordinary people’ in the political discourse surrounding the 2016 EU Referendum in the UK. In both cases, ‘real people’ are understood to be in opposition to those who might be said to hold particular professional expertise and also, commonly, to those of a more privileged socio-economic status: the so-called ‘liberal elite.’ With reference to Rimini Protokoll’s 100 % Salford, The National Theatre of Great Britain’s My Country and Kaleider’s The Money I will suggest that this particular discourse of democratisation, in both politics and theatre, can too easily conceal the expertise that lies behind the construction of ‘real people’ and their narratives.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-201
Author(s):  
Sidi Ritaudin

Abstract: This study aims to reveal perceptions of community leaders on the political aspects of the existence of commercial sex workers (PSK) in the former South Long Sea Swamp Localization. Bandar Lampung. Social insecurity caused by discriminatory government policies and lack of partiality towards people who are marginalized in social life has until now become a kind of destiny of life. Power is always always, will get challenges, rejection and lack of trust. The choice for power certainly carries a number of risks. One mandate in carrying out power is to favor the interests of the community and the public interest above personal or group interests. This was revealed in a preliminary study in an interview with the head of RT 13 Environment 1 Kelurahan Panjang Selatan that social inequality was due to inequality in policy making by the government. The political aspect of the existence of commercial sex workers (CSWs) in the former south long localization questioned the background that caused the powerlessness of the government in dealing with this problem.Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap persepsi tokoh masyarakat terhadap aspek politik eksistensi pekerja seks komersial (psk) di eks Lokalisasi Rawa Laut Panjang Selatan. Bandar Lampung. Kerawanan sosial yang disebabkan oleh kebijakan pemerintah yang diskriminatatif dan sepi dari keberpihakan terhadap orang-orang yang termarginalisasi pada kehidupan sosial, hingga kini telah menjadi semacam takdir kehidupan. Kekuasaan selalu saja, akan mendapatkan tantangan, penolakan sekaligus kekurangpercayaan. Pilihan untuk berkuasa tentu saja membawa sejumlah resiko. Salah satu amanah dalam mengemban kekuasaan adalah memihak kepentingan masayarakat dan kepentingan umum di atas kepentingan pribadi atau golongan.[1] Hal ini terungkap dalam studi pendahuluan pada wawancara dengan ketua RT 13 Lingkungan 1 Kelurahan Panjang Selatan bahwa ketimpangan sosial terjadi karena ketimpangan pengambilan kebijakan oleh pemerintah. Aspek politik eksistensi pekerja seks komersial (PSK) di eks lokalisasi panjang selatan  mempertanyakan  latarbelakang yang  menyebabkan ketidakberdayaan pemerintah dalam menangani masalah ini [1] “Baca, ”Kritik dan Tirani Kekuasaan”, dalam Moh. Mahfud, dkk (ed.), Kritik Sosial dalam Wacana Pembangunan, Yogyakarta : Pusat Penerbitan UII Press, 1997), h. xii.,” .


Author(s):  
Marouan Blaiha

This paper tries to tackle the political aspects in literature during the 19th century, and to reveal the political tendency in the literary work, which means shedding lights on the effect of the environments and the political atmospheres during the 19th century in shaping the aesthetic work. On the other hand, the paper takes a specific literary work during this era and reveals its relation with the political events. In addition, we expostulate the strong relation-ship between the socio-economic status of the writer and literature. Meanwhile, the paper relies on the systematic analysis of the political scientist David Histon in explaining the issue in question. We are going to reveal this tendency in the second chapter.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-130
Author(s):  
Philipp Goll

Abstract In the second half of the 1960s, the Munich based journal Filmkritik was rattled by a heated debate between the so-called “aesthetic left” and the “political left”. The article argues that within this context, the aesthetic left developed a notion of the public sphere informed by media practices such as watching movies and writing about it, a process whereby an ‘aesthetic formation’ emerges. Drawing upon the anti-authoritarian movement’s critique of the ‘ritualization’ of the liberal public sphere, the aesthetic left developed new styles of writing aimed at interrupting the ritualized bourgeois discourse.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


Author(s):  
Paolo Bartoloni

The Italian poet Dante Alighieri (1265–1321) is invoked several times in the work of Giorgio Agamben, often in passing to stress a point, as when discussing the political relevance of désoeuvrement (KG 246); to develop a thought, as in the articulation of the medieval idea of imagination as the medium between body and soul (S, especially 127–9); or to explain an idea, as in the case of the artistic process understood as the meeting of contradictory forces such as inspiration and critical control (FR, especially 48–50). So while Agamben does not engage with Dante systematically, he refers to him constantly, treating the Florentine poet as an auctoritas whose presence adds critical rigour and credibility. Identifying and relating the instances of these encounters is useful since they highlight central aspects of Agamben’s thought and its development over the years, from the first writings, such as Stanzas, to more recent texts, such as Il fuoco e il racconto and The Use of Bodies. The significance of Agamben’s reliance on Dante can be divided into two categories: the aesthetic and the political. The following discussion will address each of these categories separately, but will also emphasise the philosophical continuity that links the discussion of the aesthetic with that of the political. While in the first instance Dante is offered as an example of poetic innovation, especially in relation to the use of language and imagination, in the second he is invoked as a forerunner of new forms of life. Mediality and potentiality are the two pivots connecting the aesthetic and the political.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


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