Land and the US Agrarian South

This review essay summarizes and synthesizes three books on Black and Indigenous agrarian struggles in the modern-day territories of the USA. It discusses how they recount the centrality of land, national liberation, self-reliant development, food sovereignty and sustainable forms of agriculture and land management to Black and Indigenous radical struggle. It then suggests parallels and divergences between those struggles and those in the Third World’s agrarian south. It focusses on the anti-systemic dimensions of national liberation struggles in the core, especially those carried out historically by Black and Indigenous movements, and details how those movements historically looked out beyond the US landmass for solidarity and to build internationalist fronts. Finally, it reflects on their role in destabilizing settler-capitalism in the USA.

FRENCH ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOTIC MOVEMENTS IN VIETNAM AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY

The patriotic movement in Vietnam at the beginning of the twentieth century, to a certain extent, demonstrated the unity of two tasks: national liberation and social renewal with an orientation towards democracy, naturally, in relation to the conditions of that time. Vietnamese patriotic movements of that time, experiencing the influence of Western culture, including French, gradually moved away from feudal consciousness and over time came to understand the need to combine patriotism with bourgeois democratic values of the Western type. However, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Vietnamese patriots could not find a scientifically correct way to liberate their people.

HO CHI MINH’S SKILL AND SPIRIT IN 30 YEARS OF REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY ABROAD (1911 — 1941)

The outstanding career of President Ho Chi Minh, a new chapter in the history of the Vietnamese nation, started with the event of the young Nguyen Tat Thanh (a name of President Ho Chi Minh) headed overseas to seek a path to national liberation on June 5, 1911. It is true to say that “It is the first step that counts.” The 30 years of revolutionary activity abroad (1911 — 1941) was the most exciting period, but it was also the most arduous and challenging one in his revolutionary life. The author would like to discuss Ho Chi Minh’s extraordinary skill and spirit in his journey, seeking a path, paving it, and guiding the Vietnamese to fight for independence and freedom.

Public Resistance in the National Liberation Movement of Poles in Right-Bank Ukraine in the First Half of the 1860s (From the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv)

The article covers important manifestations and specifics of the protest culture of the Polish community within the South-Western region of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 1860s on the basis of analysis and synthesis of information from the documents of "Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General" (f.442) and "Office of the trustee of the Kiev school district" (f.707) of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). Defending one's own cultural identity as a driver of national development is connected with the awareness of the political interests and goals of the liberation struggle of Poles. The unique influence of the Polish question on historical processes, the configuration of international relations in Europe during the "long 19th century" determines the relevance and scientific significance of the study and thinking of the history of Polish national and cultural movement. Comprehensive study of the Polish question in the European history of the 19th century is an important part of the scientific perception of interethnic contradictions and antagonisms in the Russian Empire and the reaction of European diplomacy and public opinion, a deeper understanding of the essence of Russian-Polish cultural and civilizational confrontation and its impact on Ukrainian national life. Following the three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772, 1793, 1795) most of the territories of this formerly powerful European state were incorporated into the Russian Empire, there was a fierce struggle for cultural and ideological dominance in the region. The Polish national liberation movement of the 1860s, which culminated in the January Uprising of 1863-1864, developed against a background of broad social and cultural resistance to Russian autocracy, manifested in such protest actions as mourning and serving panikhads for dead Poles, singing patriotic Polish songs and hymns, public wearing of national costumes, participation in anti-government manifestations and demonstrations, refusal to read prayers for the emperor in churches, and so on. Clergy and educators, as well as students and pupils, were the driving force behind this protest movement, which had an international resonance

Concepts of state formation of the era national liberation competition (1917–1920)

The article considers the concepts of state formation of the era of national liberation struggles (1917–1920) – M. Hrushevsky, V. Vynnychenko, M. Tugan-Baranovsky, P. Skoropadsky, S. Petliura, S. Dnistryansky. They are based on the ideas of building a sovereign, democratic, parliamentary republic (UPR) or an alternative hetman Ukrainian state or a democratic state governed by the rule of law (ZUNR). They enriched the state and legal thought, theoretical models of Ukrainian statehood, accumulated the program principles of political parties and public organizations. The short duration of the existence of the UPR and ZUNR does not cancel out the fruitful state-building experience of its leaders and people, democratic law-making. labor monarchy "(V. Lypynsky), parliamentary-presidential republic as a democratic, legal, social state (S. Dnistryansky). Particular attention is paid to the political journalism of M. Hrushevsky and V. Vynnychenko, the constitutional projects of domestic statesmen. They are based on a short but fruitful state-building experience, hopes for a real prospect of establishing Ukrainian national statehood with the support of the international community. The article draws attention to the simplified idea of ​​some researchers about the "federalism" of M. Hrushevsky and other figures of the Central Council, the main reasons for its fall, the impact of geopolitical factors on state-building processes in Ukraine, which is a violation of methodological principles of historicism and objectivity. The positive potential of state formation in 1917–1920 and its unresolved theoretical and practical problems will remain an instructive example for current and future domestic statesmen.