Presidential Address: Weapons of the Weak, Weapons of the Strong—The Development of the Japanese Political Cartoon

2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 965-997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Duus

I Approach my topic—the development of the modern Japanese political cartoon—with some trepidation. Humor is a fragile product that can easily be damaged by academic scrutiny. As Evelyn Waugh once remarked, analyzing humor is like dissecting a frog—much is learned but in the end the frog is dead. Waugh was right. Most analyses of humor cannot be read for amusement. On the other hand, why should they be? If Shakespeare scholars are not expected to write in iambic pentameter, why should students of humor be expected to keep their readers in stitches? As the editor of the International Journal of Humor Studies recently told a reporter, “We are not in the business of being funny” (New York Times, 19 December 2000).

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. A54-A54
Author(s):  
Student

A scientist who is really exploring the unknown has no idea where the research is going. That makes it difficult to predict. . .But, on the other hand scientists who are actually exploring the unknown are very rare. Most prefer to take whatever mission the NIH proposes and write their grants accordingly. Dr. Ponzy Lu, Biochemist. Quoted in: Kolata G. Scientists fluff the answer to a billion-dollar question. The New York Times. November 1, 1992.


Author(s):  
Yvonne Ng

TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AFTER ITS FIRST RELEASE in New York on 20th December 1971, Stanley Kubrick's A Clockwork Orange, adapted from the 1962 novel by Anthony Burgess, has acquired a prominent place in the history of cinema. However, at the time of its release, it generated much controversy and was heavily criticised in its artistic, political and social dimensions. A New York Times reviewer called it "a marvelously executed, sensationalist, confused and finally corrupt piece of pop trivia, signifying nothing."(1) Next, Fred M. Hechinger, an American liberal, accused the film of promoting fascist ideology.(2) In March 1972, the Detroit News refused to give advertising and publicity space to X-rated films, judging them to be of "pornographic nature" and instituted its policy with A Clockwork Orange.(3) On the other hand, the film was also nominated for four 1971 Academy Awards and it received the 1971 New York Film...


M/C Journal ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Wolffram

The 'scholarly striptease', particularly as it is manifested in the United States, has attracted an increasing number of participants during the past decade. Unbeknownst to many, some academics have been getting their gear off in public; that is, publicly and provocatively showcasing their identities in order to promote their politics. While you might imagine that confessions about sexual orientation, ethnicity and pet hates could only serve to undermine academic authority, some American feminists -- and a small number of their male colleagues -- have nevertheless attempted to enhance their authority with such racy revelations. Nancy Miller's admission of a strained relationship with her father (Miller 143-147), or Jane Gallop's homage to the three 36-year-old men she had affairs with (Gallop 41), might make interesting reading for the academic voyeur (or the psychoanalyst), but what is their purpose beyond spectacle? The cynic might argue that self-promotion and intellectual celebrity or notoriety are the motivators -- and certainly he or she would have a point -- but within such performances of identity, and the metacriticism that clings to them, other reasons are cited. Apparently it is all to do with identity politics, that is, the use of your personal experience as the basis of your political stance. But while experience and the personal (remember "the personal is the political"?) have been important categories in feminist writing, the identity of the intellectual in academic discourse has traditionally been masked by a requisite objectivity. In a very real sense the foregrounding of academic identity by American feminists and those other brave souls who see fit to expose themselves, is a rejection of objectivity as the basis of intellectual authority. In the past, and also contemporaneously, intellectuals have gained and retained authority by subsuming their identity and their biases, and assuming an "objective" position. This new bid for authority, on the other hand, is based on a revelation of identity and biases. An example is Adrienne Rich's confession: "I have been for ten years a very public and visible lesbian. I have been identified as a lesbian in print both by myself and others" (Rich 199). This admission, which is not without risk, reveals possible biases and blindspots, but also allows Rich to speak with an authority which is grounded in experience of, and knowledge about lesbianism. Beyond the epistemological rejection of objectivity there appear to be other reasons for exposing one's "I", and its particular foibles, in scholarly writing. Some of these reasons may be considered a little more altruistic than others. For example, some intellectuals have used this practice, also known as "the personal mode", in a radical attempt to mark their culturally or critically marginal subjectivities. By straddling their vantage points within the marginalised subjectivity with which they identify, and their position in academia, these people can make visible the inequities they, and others like them, experience. Such performances are instances of both identity politics at work and the intellectual as activist. On the other hand, while this politically motivated use of "the personal mode" clearly has merit, cultural critics such as Elspeth Probyn have reminded us that in some cases the risks entailed by self-exposition are minimal (141), and that the discursive striptease is often little more than a vehicle for self-promotion. Certainly there is something of the tabloid in some of this writing, and even a tentative linking of the concepts of "academic" and "celebrity" -- Camille Paglia being the obvious example. While Paglia is among the few academics who are public celebrities, there are plenty of intellectuals who are famous within the academic community. It is often these people who can expose aspects of their identity without risking tenure, and it is often these same individuals who choose to confess what they had for breakfast, rather than their links with or concerns for something like a minority. For some, the advent of "the personal mode" particularly when it appears to contain a bid for academic or public fame signifies the denigration of academic discourse, its slow decline into journalistic gossip and ruin. For others, it is a truly political act allowing the participant to combine their roles as intellectual and activist. For me, it is a critical practice that fascinates and demands consideration in all its incarnations: as a bid for a new basis for academic authority, as a political act, and as a vehicle for self-promotion and fame. References Gallop, Jane. Thinking through the Body. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988. Miller, Nancy K. Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts. New York: Routledge, 1991. Probyn, Elspeth. Sexing the Self: Gendered Positions in Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 1993. Rich, Adrienne. Blood, Bread and Poetry: Selected Prose 1979-1985. New York: W.W Norton, 1986. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Heather Wolffram. "'The Full Monty': Academics, Identity and the 'Personal Mode'." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1.3 (1998). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9810/full.php>. Chicago style: Heather Wolffram, "'The Full Monty': Academics, Identity and the 'Personal Mode'," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1, no. 3 (1998), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9810/full.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Heather Wolffram. (1998) 'The full monty': academics, identity and the 'personal mode'. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1(3). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9810/full.php> ([your date of access])


Jazz in China ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 187-209
Author(s):  
Eugene Marlow

This chapter focuses on jazz musicians in Shanghai. Once called the “Paris of the East,” today Shanghai represents the economic and entrepreneurial center of China; Beijing is the political heart of China. Both cities have their own vibe: Beijing—spread out like Los Angeles, is clogged by an increasing number of cars and life-threatening smog; Shanghai—compact like Manhattan, New York City, is cosmopolitan and eclectic. Both cities boast their own jazz scene. Beijing is full of expats and the jazz bands tend to be more uniformly Asian. Shanghai, on the other hand, reflects a much greater international mix of musicians.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Shahad Mohammed Almayouf

The primary purpose of this study is to carry out and present an Appraisal analysis of the discourse of two reports published in the New York Times and the Washington Post newspapers. The specific objective is to identify and analyze the main attitudinal resources employed by the report’s authors to construe and negotiate feelings with their audiences about the Muslim ban incident that was implemented during Trump’s presidency of the United States. Moreover, the study explores the ideological differences from an Appraisal perspective about the travel ban between the selected newspapers. The study revealed that Appreciation resources were used more than other resources in the Washington Post, and the majority of them were addressing the travel restriction. On the other hand, the New York Times report made extensive use of both Judgment and Appreciation resources. In addition, all attitudes in the texts predicted ideological differences, but the Appreciation resources were the most critical predictor of ideological differences between them. This research reveals then which attitudes are more likely to reveal ideological differences.


Rudolph Messel was the son of Simon Messel, a banker of Darmstadt. He was the second of five children, of whom four were to make their homes in England ; the fifth acquired great distinction as an architect in Berlin. He lost his father when 11, and shortly after was sent to a Huguenot school at Friedrichsdorf in the Taunus, where he remained until he was 15 years old. His schoolmaster, Philip Reis, was the inventor of the first telephone. Messel, in his Presidential Address to the Society of Chemical Industry in New York in 1912, makes reference to the fact that he “assisted Reis in making the mechanical parts of some of his instruments and also repeatedly in his experi­ments, Reis being at one end of the circuit, speaking or singing, I listening at the other, or vice versa .” About this time the family circumstances changed, and it was clear that Messel would have to become self-supporting at an early date. It was his intention to become an engineer, and in 1863, he discussed his further course of action with an old friend of his father’s, H. Rau, then living in Frankfort. Rau appears to have advised Messel to devote himself to the study of commerce which he said would rapidly lead to independence, and to combine with this the study of Chemistry, Physics and Technology, and so become a manufacturer. It is clear that Messel’s whole course of action was influenced by this letter, as not only did he keep it to the last among his rarest letters, but followed the advice it contained almost verbally. In April, 1863, he became apprenticed to E. Lucius in his wholesale drug and chemical factory in Frankfort, and remained there until September, 1866, leaving to enter the Federal Polytechnic in Zurich, where he followed the regular first-year course. The following winter he spent at Heidelberg, study­ing physical chemistry under Erlenmeyer. He moved in the spring to Tübingen, where he finished his education, studying chemistry under Strecker, and continuing with him until April, 1870, carrying out work for which he obtained his degree. In April, 1870, he came to Manchester, originally to act as private assistant to Roscoe.


1987 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul E. Kerswill

Sociolinguistic studies have shown that variation may occur on any of the accepted levels of linguistic analysis. Variation on the phonological level has been the most commonly treated in studies of English from Labov's (1966) New York study onwards. By contrast, it is rather rare that we find studies of morphological or lexical variation (the latter being the variation in the lexical form of words, for example, the Belfast alternation of /Λ/ and /Λ/ in the word foot (L. Milroy, 1980: 118)). However, morphological and lexical variation has been favoured in studies of some other languages, for instance Norwegian (Fintoft & Mjaavatn, 1980; Kerswill, 1985a), Swedish (Thelander, 1982) and Persian (Jahangiri & Hudson, 1982). On the other hand, studies of syntactic and prosodie variation have been altogether much less common (but see Cheshire, 1982; Local, 1982). In spite of differences in emphasis, the various methodologies used have all had the aim of discovering co-variation between linguistic and non-linguistic parameters.


2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin J. Duffell

This article argues that the English iambic pentameter (EIP) has other important features in addition to the five parameters identified by Hanson and Kiparsky’s (1996) parametric theory ( position number and size, orientation, prominence site and type). One of these features is that EIP contains a mixture of pausing (French) and running (Italian) lines, as determined by whether the syllable in position 4 is word-final. A study of the frequency with which the Italian line is used in the two centuries after Chaucer’s death reveals that Hoccleve and the Scots poets, Henryson, Dunbar and Douglas, adhered fairly closely to Chaucer’s EIP verse design. On the other hand, several generations of English poets, Lydgate, Wyatt, Surrey and Sidney, experimented with alternative types of line that might well have developed into the canonical English long-line metre. Ultimately, however, the examples of Spenser and Shakespeare proved decisive in ensuring the victory of Chaucer’s metre. Between the 17th and 19th centuries, Donne, Milton, Dryden, Pope, Wordsworth, Keats and Browning were among the major poets who consolidated that victory and exploited the Italian line in order to accommodate their own or their age’s choice of diction. The mixture of French and Italian lines in decasyllabic verse is one of the distinguishing features of EIP. Although other factors affect the proportions in this mixture to a small extent, they are primarily the result of individual poets’ aesthetic choice. Significantly, all the English poets after Spenser whose verse is analysed in this article have favoured a more evenly balanced mixture of French and Italian lines than the random deployment of their lexicon would have produced.


1977 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 611-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marius B. Jansen

Japan has undergone sweeping change twice in its modern history. Each time the imperial house served to help bridge the transition, although in different ways. In the 1860s every effort was made to emphasize the break with the immediate past, albeit in the name of a more ancient continuity. In the 1940s, on the other hand, close continuity with the recent past of Meiji was emphasized. The ability of the imperial institution to absorb and assimilate very different, in fact contradictory, changes, is my point of departure.


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