Notes on the Grotesque: The Comedia De Figurón at Home and Abroad

PMLA ◽  
1939 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin E. Place

In the history of literatures, as in the history of the races that produce them, it is axiomatic that often there comes from without some invigorating influence which, on being assimilated, may assume a significance perhaps all out of proportion to its original importance. Such was the effect of the figurón, in the Spanish comedia de figurón, upon the development of a type of uncouth and cowardly lover rôle in seventeenth-century French comedy, such as that of Sganarelle in Molière's Le Manage forcé. Now that we are enabled to study in its proper perspective French dramatic literature of the grand siècle, thanks to Professor Lancaster's monumental work on the subject, it becomes increasingly possible as well as pertinent for those interested in comparative literature to supplement and to underline certain facts already clearly brought out in Mr. Lancaster's six-volume study. In this paper I wish to present some observations on the literary antecedents of the figurón in Spanish drama and an interpretation of the significance of the figurón, together with a few comments upon French treatment of this type as transplanted by Paul Scarron and Thomas Corneille.

1892 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 145-165
Author(s):  
Horace Rumbold

In the course of extensive researches in which I have been engaged for some years on the subject of the history of the Rumbold family during the seventeenth century, and more especially at the period immediately preceding the Restoration, I came across a paper in the British Museum which has never, as far as I know, been made public, and is, perhaps, not unworthy to find a place among the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. The curious document in question is headed A Particular of the Services performed by me Henry Rumbold for His Majesty.


1905 ◽  
Vol 51 (212) ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
W. Lloyd Andriezen

Science, whose high aim it is to investigate Nature, to under stand her secret workings, and thus to win for man the mastery of Nature, must set out with the conviction that Nature is intelligible, comprehensible, and conquerable. In the domain of biological science the problem of heredity occupies a position of great importance, one full of interest to every student of life. For the serious thinker who has not only looked backwards and studied the past of the human race but is inspired by ideals and desires for its future good, the subject of heredity provides an inspiring theme for contemplation and study. The development of our knowledge and the history of human endeavours to reach a complete understanding of the phenomena and conditions of heredity form one of the most interesting chapters in human evolution. Theories of heredity, like theories regarding other phenomena of life, have been expressed in three sets of terms: theological, metaphysical, and scientific. It required no skilled observation of early man to see that in the act of fecundation the male furnished the seminal substance, whereas the female seemed to furnish nothing except the receptacle or “mould,” in the form of the womb, within which the fótus was formed. Thus, what was more natural than to suppose that heredity was solely paternal, that the male element was the germ or seed, and the female organs the soil, in which, by some mysterious process, growth and development of the germ took place. This view of heredity has been expounded in the Manava Dharma-Sastra, one of the ancient sacred books of the Hindus (Delage, L'hérédité, 1903, p. 380). The same view, more or less modified according to the prevailing state of knowledge, was current among the ancient Greeks (Eristratos, Diogenes, and others). Galen and the school of philosophers of Alexandria also upheld the doctrine of the paternal factor of heredity, and thus constituted themselves the school of the Spermatists. Spermatist views prevailed for many centuries, and when towards the close of the seventeenth century Leeuwenhoeck discovered the presence of spermatozoa by the aid of the microscope, the spermatists had a season of rejoicing. Hartsoeker (1694) supposed that within the spermatozoon there was a little being, a human being, in miniature, with all its parts and organs complete, and figured a spermatozoon (highly magnified, of course) in which the little “homunculus” is to be seen seated within the “head” of the former with its arms and legs folded together in small compass, somewhat like a fcetus in utero. The theory of the spermatists was not destined to remain in undisputed possession of the field. The rival school of Harvey in the sixteenth century taught that the semen or sperm did not fertilise the ovum nor even enter the womb, but that it fertilised the entire constitution of the mother by a sort of contagion which rendered her capable of acting as the stimulus of development for the ova in the uterus, and Descartes, in the early part of the seventeenth century, entertained the same views. The ovists now claimed that all the organs of the future being already existed, preformed in miniature, in the ovum, as opposed to the spermatists, who claimed the same preformed structure for the spermatozoon. To the ovists, therefore, the act of fecundation was only an impulse or stimulus to development communicated by the male element to the ovum; the male contributed nothing material in forming the parts and organs of the fótus which existed, preformed in the ovum, so that the child was the product of the mother alone. Among the upholders of the ovist theory, in the eighteenth century were Malpighi, Haller, Bonnet, and Spallanzani. Difficulties, however, arose over both these theories of exclusive inheritance, for the ovists could not explain how the offspring sometimes resembled the father rather than the mother, and the spermatists could not account for cases of close resemblance between the mother and offspring, while neither could, again, account for cases of the mixed or blended resemblance of the offspring to both parents. The theory of preformation gradually lost its interest and its vitality, and received its death-blow at the hands of Wolff (1759), who, not only by theoretical arguments but by indisputable facts as to the nature and process of development of the hen's egg, demonstrated the baselessness of the fancies of the pre-formationists, whether of the spermatic or ovarian school. Finally, there gradually grew up in the nineteenth century the modem view that the male and female (germ and sperm) cells of the respective parents contributed in equal, or nearly equal, proportions to the constitution of the embryo, and that the environment and nourishment of the fertilised ovum during its growth and evolution in the womb was a third factor of importance, especially in the case of those animals which went through a long period of intra-uterine growth and evolution, as in the case of man and the higher mammals.


1956 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 123-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Banner

The state of current knowledge on the Bronze Age in Hungary, was summed up twenty years ago by Dr Francis Tompa, who had by then written several shorter studies on the subject, and had excavated a number of cemeteries and settlements. His summary defined the modern approach to the Bronze Age in Hungary though his conclusions have since been modified in detail by later explorers. How fruitful his work proved to be was shown by the interest of critics abroad and by the fact that research at home took a sudden upward swing.A few years later Dr Paul Patay published a study in which he came to somewhat different conclusions on the chronology of the Early Bronze Age; he also gave a detailed account of the various cultures that must have shaped the course of the Bronze Age in Hungary and in this he was substantially in agreement with Dr Francis Tompa.Dr Amelia Mozsolics dealt with chronological problems of the Bronze Age in Hungary, but had not yet reached satisfactory newer conclusions. Her paper was published only in Hungarian. She presented a useful summary of the history of her subject, and at the same time sharply criticized the views held by foreign and Hungarian experts on the Bronze Age.


1929 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 246
Author(s):  
Albert Schinz ◽  
Henry Carrington Lancaster

Author(s):  
Lola Josa

Resum: El paisatge bucòlic es va convertir en una espècie de partitura i de joc metalíric en els tons barrocs de tal manera que sembla com si els intèrprets i les veus que els canten només tinguessin que seguir les indicacions que els tòpics poètics dicten des del text per a que la sonoritat, l’harmonia i la música fossin possibles. Resulta molt curiós també que, tan tardanament, fos a propòsit de l’amor bucolicopastoral el pretext amb què l’incipient art del to es mostrés més experimental. Només aquest motiu musical podria justificar, que, a principis del segle XVII, proliferessin les composicions de tons de temàtica bucòlica i d’aquells altres que estan centrats en una Natura, si bé no idealitzada, no advertida pel més tardà panteisme egocèntric. En aquest treball ens centrarem, per tant, en les causes d’aquest esforç d’originalitat musical i de llurs èxits, així com la repercussió que va tenir en la poesia musicada. També seguirem l’evolució poeticomusical del to bucolicopastoral de la mà dels millors compositors peninsulars (alguns encara desconeguts) per a terminar oferint les característiques més significatives que permeten fixar-lo com una de les importants tipologies de la història de la música peninsular del segle XVII.. Paraules clau: to barroc, poesia i música del segle XVII, bucolisme líric, estudi interdisciplinar, llenguatge poeticomusical.   Abstract: The bucolic landscape became a kind of sheet music and metalyrical game in baroque tonos in such a way that it seems as if the performers and the voices that sing them have only to follow the indications that the poetic topics dictate from the text so that the sonority, harmony and music were possible. It is very curious also that, so belatedly, it was on the subject of pastoral-bucolic love the pretext with which the incipient art of the tono was more experimental. Only this musical motif could justify, that, at the beginning of the XVII century, the compositions of bucolic tonos proliferated and of those others that are centered in a Nature, although not idealized, not noticed by the later egocentric pantheism. In this work we will focus, therefore, on the causes of this effort of musical originality and its achievements, as well as the repercussion that it had on musicalized poetry. We will also follow the poetic-musical evolution of the bucolic-pastoral tono along with the best peninsular composers (some still unknown) to end up offering the most significant characteristics that allow us to fix it as one of the important typologies of the history of the peninsular music of the XVII century. Keywords: Baroque tono; Poetry and music of the seventeenth century; Lyric bucolicism; Interdisciplinary study; Poetic-musical language.  


John Wallis (1616-1703), one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society, was a scholar of amazing versatility. Though born into an age of intellectual giants he rapidly acquired a commanding place even among that brilliant group which has made the seventeenth century illustrious in the history of science. More than once he blazed the trail which led to some epoch-making discovery. When Newton modestly declared ‘If I have seen further it is by standing on ye sholders of Giants’, he no doubt had the name of John WalHs well before his mind. Walks was born on 23 November 1616, at Ashford in East Kent, a country town of which his father was rector. On the death of his father, Wallis was sent to school at Ashford. Later he was moved to Tenter den, where he came under the care of Mr James Movat, and even in his earliest years he distinguished himself by that singular aptitude for learning which was to remain with him till the closing years of his life. At the age of fourteen he went to Felsted, and here he acquired a marked proficiency not only in Latin and Greek, but also in Hebrew. From Felsted he entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and although his interest in mathematics dates from this period, he gave no evidence of unusual talent for the subject; this, he complains was because there was no one in the University to direct his studies. Divinity was his dominant interest. In 1640 he was ordained, and four years later he was appointed, together with Adoniram Byfield, Secretary to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. Possibly on account of his ecclesiastical duties, which absorbed much of his time and energy, his early promise as a mathematician still remained unfulfilled.


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