German Social Stratification

Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse

This chapter discusses social stratification in Nazi Germany. Since the abolition of all popular representation, the political decisions in Germany were reached by compromises between the leadership of the Nazi Party, the Army, the ministerial bureaucracy, and the representatives of certain powerful business groups. The economic groups usually kept in the background, although their voice in the fundamental decisions of policy-making was just as strong as, and perhaps even stronger than, that of the government (state and Party). The chapter provides an overview of five ruling groups in Nazi Germany: the leadership of the Nazi Party and affiliated organizations; the top strata of the governmental and political bureaucracy; the High Command of the Armed Forces and its representatives; the leadership of big business; and the landed aristocracy. It also looks at the ruled social groups, which include artisans, civil servants, and peasants.

Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


Author(s):  
Franz Neumann

This chapter examines the political implications of the latest attempt on Adolf Hitler's life in relation to German morale at the time of the report. It first considers some of the principles for the evaluation of German morale: for example, the ruling group in Nazi Germany was made up of four segments: Nazi Party hierarchy, Armed Forces leadership, industrial and financial leaders, and high civil servants. In addition, in the course of World War II, the political power of the industrial leadership and of the civil servants had diminished to such a degree that they could assert themselves only by attempting to influence either Party or Army. The chapter proceeds by linking the timing of the attempt on Hitler's life to the impending transfer of the Home Army to Heinrich Himmler. It also analyzes the political character of the group behind the conspiracy to kill Hitler before concluding with a discussion of the political consequences of the failed assassination attempt.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181
Author(s):  
Nandita Haksar

This article argues that although Irom Sharmila’s 16-year-old fast from November 2000 to August 2016 has earned her the status of an icon of non-violent protest, yet she did not seek these appellations; her only aim was to put moral pressure on the government to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The article seeks to assess the efficacy of Irom Sharmila’s protest and how far it has helped or hindered in mobilizing public opinion against the Act. It propounds that the publicity around Irom Sharmila put her on a pedestal and trapped her in her own image, made invisible entire histories of sufferings of people in the northeast, including Manipur, and their struggles against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The gains of many struggles and efforts were wiped out of the collective memory of the nation and the only image of Manipur was this frail woman with a tube hanging from her nose. The article also argues that there is a kind of fetish in the way the media celebrates non-violence without reference to the political context.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Linde

Abstract The essay examines Vladimir Putin’s civilisational discourse, which arose in earnest with the publication of his presidential campaign articles in 2012. It argues that what makes Putin’s rendering of Russia’s civilisational identity distinctive is its strongly emphasized Statism, understood as a belief in the primacy of the state. This suggests that while his endorsement of a distinct civilisational identity represents an important conceptual turn as regards how national identity is articulated, there are also significant lines of continuity with previous presidential periods, given that state primacy has been at the heart of Putin’s political agenda since the very beginning of his presidential career. This detail also reveals a great deal about the political rationale behind Putin’s commitment to a Russian civilisational identity. It provides the government with a theoretical justification of an illiberal political course. There are important implications for foreign policy-making as well. In relation to the West, there is an attempt to limit its normative reach by depicting liberal values as less than universal. In regional affairs, Russia is attempting to legitimate its involvement in the near abroad on civilisational grounds. The loose definition of ‘co-patriots’ as foreign nationals experiencing some affinity with Russia gives it plenty of leeway in this regard. Lastly, Russia has petitioned for Ukraine’s neutrality based on the argument that the country is straddling a civilisational fault line.


1994 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 637-651
Author(s):  
Roger Williams

It Was In 1962 In The Man on horseback, A Book which has long since become a classic, that S. E. Finer drew attention to a class of country in which the government was repeatedly subject to the interference of its armed forces: the military, he noted ‘as an independent political force, constitutes a distinct and peculiar political phenomenon’. Beginning from the political strengths and weaknesses of the military, his analysis addressed the disposition of the military to intervene in politics and its opportunities for doing so, and he brought out the different forms such intervention could take and the different levels to which it could be pressed. In effect, he also turned on its head a prevailing if tacit assumption. Given their ‘vastly superior organization’ and their arms, it seemed to him that ‘Instead of asking why the military engage in politics, we Ought surely ask why they ever do otherwise’.


Healthcare ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Maria Asensio

This article investigates the political legitimacy of the health care system and the effects of austerity on the population’s welfare, paying particular attention to Portugal, a country severely harmed by the economic crisis. Based on analysis of data collected from the European Social Survey on 14,988 individuals living in private households during the years between 2002 and 2018, the findings of this study aim to analyze the social and political perception of citizens on the state of health services in two distinctive periods—before and after the economic crisis, according to self-interest, ideological preferences, and institutional setup as predictors of the satisfaction with the health system. The results demonstrate a negative attitude towards the health system over the years, a consistent drop during the financial crisis period, and a rapid recovery afterward. The research also shows that healthcare evaluations depend on the perceived institutional effectiveness in the citizenry’s eyes. The more the citizens perceive the government as effective and trust-worthy, the more they are satisfied with the health system. Also, differences in healthcare evaluations among social groups were felt unequally: while vulnerable citizens were more affected by the Government’s plan of austerity measures for health reform, healthcare evaluations of better-off social groups—younger individuals, those with higher incomes, higher education, and better health status—did not decline. This study contributes to the academic debate on the effects of austerity on the population’s welfare attitudes and highlights the need to examine the different impacts of reforms introduced by the crisis on social groups.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
Patricia Martínez Coral

ABSTRACTThis article describes how the discursive intensity of peace has implemented in Colombia the agreement signed between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP), for the end of the armed conflict, despite the popular rejection that it received in the plebiscite convened for the text's endorsement, with delicate implications for the country's governability. In this sense, the reconstruction of the Colombian context is analyzed through central elements of political philosophy about the dynamics of cohesion and the breakdown of the political order.RESUMENEl presente artículo expone cómo la intensidad discursiva de la paz ha instrumentado en Colombia, la imposición del acuerdo suscrito entre el gobierno y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia FARC-EP-, para la desmovilización y reincorporación de este grupo a la vida civil, pese al rechazo popular que recibió en la jornada de plebiscito, convocada para la refrendación del texto, con delicadas implicaciones para la gobernabilidad del país. En tal sentido, la reconstrucción de este contexto se somete a un análisis fundamentado en elementos centrales de la filosofía política, acerca de las dinámicas de cohesión y ruptura del orden político.


Intizar ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 319
Author(s):  
Adek Risma Dedees

Kebijakan affirmative action merupakan bentuk diksriminasi positif bagi perempuan di Indonesia untuk terlibat langsung dalam proses pembuatan dan pengambilan kebijakan di parlemen. Dengan kebijakan ini kesadaran gender di parlemen pelan tapi pasti memberikan harapan bagi perjuangan dan keadilan perempuan. Kebijakan affirmative action diharapkan mampu mengubah wajah parlemen yang bias kepentingan patriarki menuju kebijakan-kebijakan yang lebih ramah kepada perempuan. Sementara itu, partisipasi perempuan melalui dinasti politik sebagai sandaran tidak bisa disebut jelek atau tidak memiliki modal atau pengetahuan berpolitik. Sebagai tahap awal dan lewat jalur apapun, lebih baik rakyat melihat perempuan di posisi paling tinggi di pemerintahan, perusahaan, dan organisasi daripada tidak sama sekali. Jenis penelitian ini kualitatif interpretatif dengan kajian pustaka perihal persoalan partisipasi perempuan dalam ranah politik.Affirmative action policies are forms of positive discrimination for women in Indonesia to be directly involved in the manufacturing process and policy making in parliament. With this policy of gender awareness in parliament, it slowly but surely gives hope to women's struggle and justice. Affirmative action policies are expected to change the face of parliament biased towards the interests of patriarchal policies that are more friendly to women. Meanwhile, the participation of women through political dynasty as the backrest cannot be called bad, or does not have the capital or knowledge of politics. As an early stage and through any path, it is much better people's view of women is in the highest positions in the government, companies, and organizations than nothing at all. This type of research is qualitative interpretive literature review regarding the issue of women's participation in the political sphere.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2110398
Author(s):  
Karabekir Akkoyunlu ◽  
José Antonio Lima

Between 2016 and 2020, a group of activist generals successfully plotted the Brazilian military's gradual return to the political center stage with powers unseen since the dictatorship. They achieved this without formally breaking the law, suspending the democratic process or overthrowing the government. We call this a “stealth intervention,” an incremental yet systematic attempt to redesign politics without causing a rupture, that fits neither in the existing typology of coups nor in the literature on democratic backsliding. We argue that Brazil’ stealth intervention, built upon the military’s existing tutelary prerogatives and driven by an unreformed praetorian worldview that resurfaced amidst a sustained crisis of democracy, challenges the prevalent view of the armed forces as a reactive force that intervenes in civilian politics only when its institutional interests are threatened. Finally, we show that democratic backsliding in Brazil started under Bolsonaro’s predecessor, Michel Temer, and point to the generals’ understudied role in this process.


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