Party, Popularity and Dissent

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bourke
Keyword(s):  
Early Years ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Commons ◽  
To Come ◽  
Established Church

This chapter details Burke's political life from 1765 to 1774. During his early years in parliament, developments in Britain and Ireland proved formative politically and intellectually for Burke. Throughout the course of his first years in the Commons, the main threat to domestic consensus seemed unlikely to come from the growth of religious conflict. In 1772, he opposed the idea of relieving the Anglican clergy of the duty of subscribing to the tenets of the established Church on the grounds that the security of religion required a community of belief based on agreed doctrines and a uniform liturgy. Yet he insisted that this should be accompanied by generous toleration. In 1769, the exclusion of John Wilkes from parliament betrayed government contempt for liberty and a disregard for popular sentiment. In response, Burke provided his party with a probing analysis of the causes for the growing alienation of the public from the administration.

The Metamorphosis of the Stalin Myth

1954 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Tucker
Keyword(s):  
Early Stage ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sequence Of Events ◽  
New Period ◽  
History Of ◽  
To Come ◽  
Soviet Russia

THE death of Joseph Stalin marked the beginning of a new period in the history of the Soviet regime in Russia. It set in motion a train of events in the internal political life of the country which, for better or for worse, will alter the political personality of the Soviet regime as the world came to know it under the influence of Stalin's dominating figure. No one can yet predict with any confidence how this sequence of events will unfold in the years to come. The most that can be done at this early stage is to visualize the forces at work behind the scenes and strive to reach an informed preliminary guess about the direction or directions in which these forces are moving.That is the task of the present article. It seeks to investigate certain aspects of the post-Stalin train of events which are now themselves a part of history. Its purpose is to cast light upon some of the principal trends and issues in the internal political life of Soviet Russia since Stalin died. These trends and issues are for the most part hidden beneath the surface of Soviet public life; only occasionally, as in the Beria episode, have they erupted into full view of a perplexed and fascinated world. It is necessary, therefore, to study the submerged political realities through their indirect reflection in the public pronouncements of the controlled and official Soviet press. The central importance of the new regime‘s attitude toward Stalin and the Stalin heritage directs attention upon the changing manner in which the official propaganda has presented the image of Stalin to the Soviet people. We shall first tell the factual story of this process, tracing the steps by which Stalin‘s heirs successively dethroned him, partially restored him, and finally refashioned an entirely new Stalin image to fit their present needs. The latter part of the article attempts to interpret the political meaning of the new Stalin myth and of another new phenomenon closely associated with it, the “cult of the Party”

scholarly journals Holocaust remembrance and education in the state of Israel 1948–2000

2001 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-130
Author(s):  
Birgitte Enemark
Keyword(s):  
History Textbooks ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Holocaust Education ◽  
The Public ◽  
Physical Suffering ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Gradual Development ◽  
The Subject ◽  
To Come ◽  
State Of Israel

In the early years of Israel’s existence, the collective memory of the Holocaust was characterized by the schism between the Holocaust martyrs and heroes, emphasizing the bravery and revolt of the few while neglecting the physical suffering of the victims. This understanding was also reflected in the sparse description of the subject in the history textbooks produced by the educational authorities until the late 1970s. In the years to come a more rational and chronological presentation of the Holocaust became noticeable in Holocaust textbooks. However, even though the public interest for the subject increased remarkably it was not made a compulsory and independent subject in the Israeli school system until 1982. Which factors caused this change of attitude towards the Holocaust? The change of attitude did not of course begin overnight. In this article we explore the development of the Holocaust in the collective consciousness of the Israelis and its impact on Holocaust education in the country. In order to trace this gradual development, we have chosen to focus on milestones in Israeli history&&milestones which led from repression of the Holocaust in Israeli society to its adoption as a central event in the consciousness of the Israelis.

The Religious Feelings of the American People, 1845-1935: A British View

1966 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-327
Author(s):  
Richard L. Rapson
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
American People ◽  
The Public ◽  
National Life ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
First Americans

British travelers have swarmed along American shores in vast numbers ever since the early years of the new republic. During the nineteenth century they erected a model of the United States, resembling Tocqueville's, with which they nearly always came to understand America. It was built around two generalizations. First, Americans believe in the principle of equality, or more precisely, the belief that all men deserve equal opportunities to rise, no matter what their inherited rank in society. And, second, Americans make an heroic effort to incorporate this principle into the daily institutional fabric of their national life—into the public schools, into family relationships in the homes, into a political life which revolves around the universal ballot, into their adoring attitude towards women and children, into their respectful treatment of “help,” and into the fluid class structure itself.

Politics and power: the Triumph of Jacobinism in Strasbourg, 1791–1793

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Gough
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Civil Strife ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Annus Mirabilis

One of the recurrent challenges to the historian of the French Revolution is that of interpreting the transition from the liberalism of its early years to the centralized dictatorship of the Terror. Why did the constitution of 1791, that remarkable legislative achievement which stood for so long as a model to nineteenth-century liberal reformers, collapse within a year of its enactment? How did the individual and political liberties guaranteed by that constitution become submerged so rapidly under the flood of repressive legislation during the Year II? What made the impressive façade of theannus mirabilisof 1790 crumble into political dissension from the summer of 1791 onwards, revealing the stark realities of religious conflict, war, insurrection and civil strife? Whether one regards this transition as the unfortunate consequence of a succession of political accidents or as the inevitable result of deeply rooted social conflict, the role of Jacobinism in the process is fundamental, for it provided both the personnel and the ideology that was to dominate political life throughout the Terror. As Michelet was one of the first to point out, Jacobinism underwent several transformations during the five years of its existence as a formal political movement, moving decisively to the left after the secession of the Feuillants in July 1791 and again with the expulsion of the leading Girondins in the following autumn, until it reached its final and most characteristic stage only at the height of the Terror, during Year II.

A successful person, society and civic activism

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (10) ◽  
pp. 1800-1816
Author(s):  
G.B. Kozyreva ◽  
T.V. Morozova ◽  
R.V. Belaya
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
The Public ◽  
Civic Activism ◽  
The Social ◽  
Human And Social Capital ◽  
Person Model ◽  
Social Disparity

Subject. The article provides considerations on the formation and development of a successful person model in the modern Russian society. Objectives. The study is an attempt to model a successful person in the Russian society, when the ideological subsystem of the institutional matrix is changing. Methods. The study relies upon the theory of institutional matrices by S. Kirdina, theories of human and social capital. We focus on the assumption viewing a person as a carrier of social capital, which conveys a success, socio-economic position, social status, civic activism, doing good to your family and the public, confidence in people and association with your region. The empirical framework comprises data of the sociological survey of the Russian population in 2018. The data were processed through the factor analysis. Results. We devised a model of a successful person in today's Russian society, which reveals that a success, first of all, depends on the economic wellbeing and has little relation to civic activism. The potential involvement (intention, possibility, preparedness) in the social and political life significantly dominates the real engagement of people. The success has a frail correlation with constituents of the social capital, such as confidence in people and doing good to the public. Conclusions and Relevance. Based on the socio-economic wellbeing, that is consumption, the existing model of a successful person proves to be ineffective. The sustainability of socio-economic wellbeing seriously contributes to the social disparity of opportunities, which drive a contemporary Russian to a success in life.

Climate Justice

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Sustainable Development Goals ◽  
Climate Justice ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Mary Robinson ◽  
The Public ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
To Come ◽  
Run Up ◽  
High Level

Climate justice requires sharing the burdens and benefits of climate change and its resolution equitably and fairly. It brings together justice between generations and justice within generations. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals summit in September 2015, and the Conference of Parties to the Framework Convention on Climate Change in Paris in December 2015, brought climate justice center stage in global discussions. In the run up to Paris, Mary Robinson, former president of Ireland and the UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy for Climate Change, instituted the Climate Justice Dialogue. The editors of this volume, an economist and a philosopher, served on the High Level Advisory Committee of the Climate Justice Dialogue. They noted the overlap and mutual enforcement between the economic and philosophical discourses on climate justice. But they also noted the great need for these strands to come together to support the public and policy discourse. This volume is the result.

Komunistki

2020 ◽  
pp. 671-692
Author(s):  
Aga Skrodzka
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Visual Memory ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Communist Past ◽  
Status Of Women

This article argues for the importance of preserving the visual memory of female communist agency in today’s Poland, at the time when the nation’s relationship to its communist past is being forcefully rearticulated with the help of the controversial Decommunization Act, which affects the public space of the commons. The wholesale criminalization of communism by the ruling conservative forces spurred a wave of historical and symbolic revisions that undermine the legacy of the communist women’s movement, contributing to the continued erosion of women’s rights in Poland. By looking at recent cinema and its treatment of female communists as well as the newly published accounts of the communist women’s movement provided by feminist historians and sociologists, the project sheds light on current cultural debates that address the status of women in postcommunist Poland and the role of leftist legacy in such debates.

scholarly journals Are We Ready for the Arrival of the New COVID-19 Vaccinations? Great Promises and Unknown Challenges Still to Come

Vaccines ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Davide Gori ◽  
Chiara Reno ◽  
Daniel Remondini ◽  
Francesco Durazzi ◽  
Maria Pia Fantini
Keyword(s):  
Herd Immunity ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Vaccine Hesitancy ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
To Come ◽  
Vaccination Campaigns ◽  
The Eu

While the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic continues to strike and collect its death toll throughout the globe, as of 31 January 2021, the vaccine candidates worldwide were 292, of which 70 were in clinical testing. Several vaccines have been approved worldwide, and in particular, three have been so far authorized for use in the EU. Vaccination can be, in fact, an efficient way to mitigate the devastating effect of the pandemic and offer protection to some vulnerable strata of the population (i.e., the elderly) and reduce the social and economic burden of the current crisis. Regardless, a question is still open: after vaccination availability for the public, will vaccination campaigns be effective in reaching all the strata and a sufficient number of people in order to guarantee herd immunity? In other words: after we have it, will we be able to use it? Following the trends in vaccine hesitancy in recent years, there is a growing distrust of COVID-19 vaccinations. In addition, the online context and competition between pro- and anti-vaxxers show a trend in which anti-vaccination movements tend to capture the attention of those who are hesitant. Describing this context and analyzing its possible causes, what interventions or strategies could be effective to reduce COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy? Will social media trend analysis be helpful in trying to solve this complex issue? Are there perspectives for an efficient implementation of COVID-19 vaccination coverage as well as for all the other vaccinations?

scholarly journals The transformative public of Jane Addams

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095858
Author(s):  
Leena Ripatti-Torniainen
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Social Ethics ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
Jane Addams ◽  
Journalism Studies ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Inquiry

This article provides an alternative contribution to journalism studies on a foundational concept by analysing texts of Jane Addams, a public intellectual contemporary with the seminal scholars Walter Lippmann and John Dewey. The author uses methods of intellectual history to construct the concept of the public from Addams’s books: Democracy and Social Ethics and The Newer Ideals of Peace, showing that all three authors, Lippmann, Dewey and Addams, discuss the same topic of individuals’ changed engagement with public political life. Addams departs from Lippmann and Dewey in setting out from the standpoints of exclusion and cosmopolitanism. Her argument regarding the public, as constructed by the author, consists of two premises. First, public engagement is a method of democratic inclusion as well as social and political inquiry for Addams. She sees the extension of relationality across social divisions as a necessary method to understand society and materialise democracy. Second, Addams emphasises cooperative and reflexive involvement especially in the characteristic developments of a time. She considers industrialisation and cosmopolitanism as characteristic developments of her own era. Addams suggests an in-principle cosmopolitan concept of the public that includes marginalised persons and groups. Compared to Lippmann’s and Dewey’s accounts of the public, Jane Addams’s argument is more radical and far more sensitive to the social inequality and plurality of a drastically morphing society.

Lloyd George's Timing of the 1918 Election

1974 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry McGill
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Home Office ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
The Commons ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment

The full story of the 1918 election can never be told, although its importance as a watershed is, and was at the time, undoubted. Private papers have disappeared and fire destroyed records of the Local Government Board and Home Office. An especially interesting kind of record, the expenditure of candidates, was not even collected, and no questions were raised about this until it was too late.Churchill was among those who understood that “an election is to be fought, the result of which will profoundly affect political relationships and political issues for several years to come ….” Recent scholarship has concentrated on the divisions within the Liberal Party prior to the election, the special questions of Ireland and of National Democratic Party candidates, and “the stages” by which the drama unfolded in the autumn of 1918. But there has been no explanation of the timing: why did Lloyd George wait so long, and, having waited so long, why did he hurry into a December election, knowing the problems of voter registration and the signs of apathy and even hostility to an election? Moreover, all the discussion of why “coupons” were awarded as they were has obscured the difficulty of planning a coalition program, which was the precondition of any allocation of “coupons.”The constraints upon Lloyd George went back to 1916. From the moment he succeeded Asquith he was “a Prime Minister without a party.” His claim to have 136 Liberal supporters in the Commons was never substantiated by a name list or verified in the division lobbies.

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