PSYCHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF A LEADER-POLITICIEN

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-105
Author(s):  
HASMIK SHAPAGHATYAN
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Factors ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Childhood And Adolescence ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Psychological Features

The analyses ofthe discussed problem shows that despite a diversity ofstudies on theoretical and practical concepts in the sphere of personality developments, each of them has some basic principals a combination ofwhich provides an opportunity to make an in-depth and comprehensive analysis of the formation and the development of a personality of a political leader. The article emphasizes the political and psychological factors contributing to the formation of personality during childhood and adolescence, which lead to the formation of a unique personal qualities of a political leader (nargization, identification, as well as factors of formation and expression of inferiority and domination), which further define the direction of the person as a leader, as well as the implementation of effective and in the true sense of the word the course of their national policy.

Franz Joseph I as a monarch and politician (presented by the British newspaper “The Times”)

2019 ◽  
pp. 192-197
Author(s):  
Anna Garasimchuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Draw Conclusion ◽  
The Times ◽  
Personal Assessment ◽  
Political Decisions

We analyze the publicistic material of the British newspaper “The Times” in order to identify the attitude of Great Britain towards the political activities of Franz Joseph I – the last Emperor of Austria-Hungary. The study of newspaper articles allowed us to identify a voluminous block of publications that give the Emperor’s personal assessment, and also comment on a number of political decisions made by Franz Joseph I. Despite the fact that “The Times” has repeatedly harshly condemned the Austrian and Hungarian governments and parliaments for their inability cohesively make important political decisions and prevent domestic problems in time; criticism did not extend to the Emperor’s personality. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I was a re-spected ruler and a strong leader. Analysis of newspaper material showed that the following issues were most frequently raised and addressed in the British newspaper: 1) the personal qualities of Emperor Franz Joseph I; 2) the Emperor’s national policy; 3) the place and role of Franz Joseph I in the political development of Austria-Hungary. After the study of publicistic material we draw conclusion that the British liberals were very positive about the contribution of Franz Joseph I to the dual monarchy formation. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I had a reputation for be-ing a poised, tactful, benevolent monarch.

A.I. Solzhenitsyn Apropos of Russia’s Future: Specific Outlook Features Depending on Different Historical Context

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Future ◽  
Pessimistic Attitude ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Images Of The Future ◽  
The Church

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

Mapping Power

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Electricity Sector ◽  
Operational Performance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Reform ◽  
High Quality ◽  
The Past ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
Political Economy Analysis

Electricity is critical to enabling India’s economic growth and providing a better future for its citizens. In spite of several decades of reform, the Indian electricity sector is unable to provide high-quality and affordable electricity for all, and grapples with the challenge of poor financial and operational performance. To understand why, Mapping Power provides the most comprehensive analysis of the political economy of electricity in India’s states. With chapters on fifteen states by scholars of state politics and electricity, this volume maps the political and economic forces that constrain and shape decisions in electricity distribute on. Contrary to conventional wisdom, it concludes that attempts to depoliticize the sector are misplaced and could worsen outcomes. Instead, it suggests that a historically grounded political economy analysis helps understand the past and devise reforms to simultaneously improve sectoral outcomes and generate political rewards. These arguments have implications for the challenges facing India’s electricity future, including providing electricity to all, implementing government reform schemes, and successfully managing the rise of renewable energy.

Multiple developmental pathways underlying conduct problems: A multitrajectory framework

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Jules R. Dugré ◽  
Stéphane Potvin
Keyword(s):  
Conduct Disorder ◽  
Conduct Problems ◽  
Latent Class ◽  
Population Based ◽  
Anxiety Symptoms ◽  
Behavioral Approach ◽  
Parameter Estimates ◽  
Childhood And Adolescence ◽  
Increased Risk ◽  
Psychological Features

Abstract In the past decades, there has been an overemphasis of a descriptive/behavioral approach to study conduct disorder. In an equifinal perspective, we aimed to examine the developmental multitrajectory groups of psychological features (irritability, interpersonal callousness, hyperactivity/impulsivity, and depressive–anxiety symptoms) and their associations with conduct problems. In a population-based cohort (n = 1,309 participants followed from 5 months to 17 years old), latent-class growth analysis was performed for each psychological feature to identify a two-trajectory model (from ages 6 to 12 years). Based on parameter estimates of the two-trajectory models for each of the four psychological features, a parallel process growth mixture model identified eight significant developmental patterns that were subsequently compared with typically developing children. Furthermore, we observed that while interpersonal callousness conferred an increased risk for childhood and adolescence conduct problems, its co-occurrence with hyperactivity/impulsivity, irritability, and/or depressive–anxiety symptoms heightened the general risk, but also predicted distinct subtypes of conduct problems (i.e., aggressive and rule-breaking behaviors). Thus, by studying complex developmental combinations of psychological features, we observed qualitatively distinct pathways towards conduct problems. A multitrajectory framework of psychological features should be considered as a significant step towards unveiling the multiple etiological pathways leading to conduct disorder and its substantial clinical heterogeneity.

Stepping Outside the Echo Chamber: Is Intellectual Humility Associated with Less Political Myside Bias?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shauna Marie Bowes ◽  
Thomas H Costello ◽  
Caroline Lee ◽  
Stacey McElroy-Heltzel ◽  
Don E. Davis ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Salient Feature ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intellectual Humility ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Echo Chamber ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Myside Bias ◽  
Psychological Features

In recent years, an upsurge of polarization has been a salient feature of political discourse in America. A small but growing body of research has examined the potential relevance of intellectual humility (IH) to political polarization. In the present investigation, we extend this work to political myside bias, testing the hypothesis that IH is associated with less bias in two community samples (N1 = 498; N2 = 477). In line with our expectations, measures of IH were negatively correlated with political myside bias across paradigms, political topics, and samples. These relations were robust to controlling for humility. We also examined ideological asymmetries in the relations between IH and political myside bias, finding that IH-bias relations were statistically equivalent in members of the political left and right. Notwithstanding important limitations and caveats, these data establish IH as one of a small handful psychological features known to predict less political myside bias.

scholarly journals On the question of the language aspect of the school reform of 1958: Ukrainian and All-Union realities

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Borisenok ◽  
Keyword(s):  
School Reform ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Education System ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Question ◽  
Communication Space ◽  
Political Scene

The article analyzes the linguistic aspects of the “Khrushchev” school reform of 1958, as well as the reasons and goals of language transformations, which are little studied in the modern historiography. Compared to the interwar period, the situation has changed. In the 1920s, the policy of korenization was carried out in the conditions of the “capitalist environment” and demonstrated an “exemplary solution” to the national question. In 1958, Poland was no longer one of the main enemies, the need for a “showcase” had disappeared, the agents of Stalin’s national policy had left the political scene. The language component of the school reform made it easier for representatives of national republics to get education in central universities and to advance their career. But the language of the so-called titular nation was not completely excluded from the education system, the communication space, and the humanities. It can be argued that there were opponents of the reform (especially among the humanitarian intelligentsia) and supporters of the reform, who took advantage of the new opportunities. The course proposed by the school reform of 1958 was a kind of method of Sovietization and integration while preserving / recognizing the national diversity of the country’s population.

The SNP Government and Poverty

2008 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 255-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Turok
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Policy Framework ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Discussion Paper ◽  
Poverty And Inequality ◽  
Election Victory ◽  
The Uk

There is considerable public interest across the UK in whether distinctive economic and social policies will emerge from the Scottish National Party's election victory in 2007. The SNP manifesto did not have very much to say about poverty and inequality, but early in 2008 the new Government published a discussion paper, Tackling Poverty, Inequality and Deprivation in Scotland (TPID), laying the basis for a national policy framework due at the end of 2008. At a time when there are tentative signs of poverty moving up the political agenda across Britain, TPID offers the first indication of how the SNP Government views the problem and what it might do to make a difference.

“PURGING THE ELITE” IN TYUMEN IN 1937-1938

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-192
Author(s):  
Anatoly A. KONONENKO ◽  
Artem A. Kononenko
Keyword(s):  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Collective Leadership ◽  
Effect Relationship ◽  
Security Service ◽  
The Subject ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Structural Methods ◽  
The City

The political repressions of the 1930s in the USSR have repeatedly been the subject of interest of historians. Nevertheless, there are practically no studies of political repressions of the 1930s in relation to nomenklatura workers at the level of the provincial Siberian city of Tyumen. This article aims to reveal the cause-and-effect relationship in the issue of physical liquidation of the thinnest layer of the party-economic nomenklatura, using the case of the city party organization of the CPSU(b) of Tyumen in 1937-1938. We have restricted ourselves to one of the components of the “Great Terror”, namely to “purging the elite”. The research was conducted using the documents from two regional departments of the USSR Federal Security Service (FSB), former party archives of the Tyumen and Omsk regions, and periodicals. This required employing prosopographic, comparative-historical, problem-chronological, and system-structural methods. Such approach allowed clarifying the biographical data of the leaders of the city in 1936-1938 and classifying the criminal acts, incriminated to the accused. The results of a comprehensive analysis of the sources show that the cause of the personnel purge should be considered a violation of the imbalance between the limited collective leadership and the still limited one-man dictatorship of I. V. Stalin’s dictatorship. The limited collective leadership was no longer in line with the reality of one man’s increasing power. Rotation of undesirable workers as an alternative to personnel cleansing proved to be unsuccessful. The motive for repressions against workers who had never participated in the opposition was their casual contacts and acquaintances with former opposition figures described as “spies and terrorists” in 1937-1938. The party, Soviet, and Komsomol workers who had no such contacts, though subjected to repression, were rehabilitated. Finally, in terms of their educational and professional level, the new generation of city party workers did not differ from the previous one.

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