scholarly journals On the question of the language aspect of the school reform of 1958: Ukrainian and All-Union realities

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Borisenok ◽  
Keyword(s):  
School Reform ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Education System ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Question ◽  
Communication Space ◽  
Political Scene

The article analyzes the linguistic aspects of the “Khrushchev” school reform of 1958, as well as the reasons and goals of language transformations, which are little studied in the modern historiography. Compared to the interwar period, the situation has changed. In the 1920s, the policy of korenization was carried out in the conditions of the “capitalist environment” and demonstrated an “exemplary solution” to the national question. In 1958, Poland was no longer one of the main enemies, the need for a “showcase” had disappeared, the agents of Stalin’s national policy had left the political scene. The language component of the school reform made it easier for representatives of national republics to get education in central universities and to advance their career. But the language of the so-called titular nation was not completely excluded from the education system, the communication space, and the humanities. It can be argued that there were opponents of the reform (especially among the humanitarian intelligentsia) and supporters of the reform, who took advantage of the new opportunities. The course proposed by the school reform of 1958 was a kind of method of Sovietization and integration while preserving / recognizing the national diversity of the country’s population.

scholarly journals Henryk Kołodziejski – director of the Sejm library (1919-1939)

2020 ◽  
pp. 169-190
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Pieróg
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cooperative Movement ◽  
Action Strategy ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
Political Scene

Henryk Kołodziejski (1884-1953), creator and long-term director of the Sejm library in the interwar period, was known for his socialist passion and involvement in the cooperative movement. He also played a quite significant but implicit role on the political scene, participating in informal negotiations or other meetings on matters of the highest state rank. In the article, I try to show how his person influenced the functioning of the parliamentary library and its position in the structure of the Sejm Bureau. I also ask whether there was a connection between the strong position of the library and the lack of a legal office in the pre-war Polish Sejm. I show the change in the action strategy of H. Kołodziejski after the war. I present his activity on the basis of parliamentary documentation.  

scholarly journals Za kulisami wojny i pokoju 1914–1945. Z pamiętnikarskiej narracji polskiego dyplomaty i publicysty Jana Stanisława Łosia

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 125-143
Author(s):  
Sylwia Wójtowicz
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
Post War ◽  
Appropriate Education ◽  
Political Scene

The aim of the article is to familiarize the reader with a colorful memoir of Jan Stanislaw Los, a professor of ancient history who takes the reader behind the scenes of both world wars and fragile peace. The peace that requires many diplomatic efforts, constant strengthening and stabilization. In the interwar period, the author was known as an active politician of the conservative party and a publicist who commented a lot on the political scene of that time. Political commitment, noble descent and appropriate education gave him an excellent ability to witness important decisions that were made as well as events which affected the fate of Poland and Europe over the period indicated above. He knew personally many local and foreign politicians whose characters are recalled on the pages of memories. As an expert in ancient history, he was able to appraise the mechanisms of power, its successes and failures in the context of historical process. Memories arose in the 1970s, i.e. at the end of the author’s life. By writing down the memories he decided to leave the posterity of a long-gone era, the era about which there were many negative myths and stereotypes in the post-war period. Trying to correctly reflect the atmosphere prevailing behind the scenes of war and peace, the author also disproves positive stereotypes and myths, can critically evaluate the discussed reality. The reading in question fulfills the form of a personal document, also called the ego-document, and forms the part of the centuries-old tradition of Polish memoiristics.

The political scene in 1999

2000 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-289
Author(s):  
S Ingle
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Scene

The Genesis of Arbitration in Western Australia

1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman F. Duffy
Keyword(s):  
Western Australia ◽  
The Political ◽  
Trade Union Movement ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
Early Experiences ◽  
Compulsory Arbitration ◽  
Industrial Disputes ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Conditions Of Employment

The use of compulsory arbitration for the determination of the conditions of employment has a long history in Australia. This paper covers the events leading up to the introduction of legislation for conciliation and for the compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes in Western Australia. After two bruising strikes and the experience of successful voluntary arbitration, the union movement came to the view that compulsory arbitration would be to their advantage. The development of political links between the unions and some members of the Legislative Assembly, coupled with certain fortuitous circumstances in the Parliament, resulted in arbitration legislation being passed in 1900—despite the dominance of the political scene by conservative forces and the opposition of the employers. Early experiences with the legislation showed that conciliation was not successful when arbitration was readily available and that the Act was not the answer to all the problems of the trade union movement.

The British General Election of 1970 - Impressions of an Academic Candidate

1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-57
Author(s):  
William Wallace
Keyword(s):  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Levels Of Reality ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Different Levels ◽  
Political Battle

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

De standenvertegenwoordiging in de Christelijke Volkspartij en de Parti Social Chrétien

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-127
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Political Position ◽  
New Methods ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
General Elections

The in 1945 established Christian Social Party (The Flemish CVP and the French speaking PSC) showed some important differences in comparison with the prewar Catholic Party. The structure of the CVP-PSC was unitary, based upon individual membership instead of the prewar federation of « estates » (standen) . With this unitary structure, the founding fathers of the CVP-PSC tried to avoid the conflicts between the estates, a permanent cause of criticism and disurtity in the Catholic Partyduring the interwar period. In spite of the new organizational structure of the CVP-PSC, new methods of informal recognition of the estates were introduced for the aggregation of their claims and their representation within the party.The way this informal recognition of the estates in the CVP-PSC was solved, is briefly described in the first part of this article. Subsequent to the survey of the evolution of the political position of the estates and their relation to the CVP-PSC, the composition of the lists of candidates in the CVP-PSC for the general elections of 8 november 1981 is discussed.  Special attention is paid to the balancing in number and the ranking ofcandidates from the estates. Finally, the representation of the estates in the parliamentary group of the CVP-PSC is calculated for the general elections of 1974, 1977, 1978 and 1981.

Kukiz’15 – geneza, idee, próba klasyfikacji

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (254) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Matuszek
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Ideological Assumptions

The aim of this article is to raise a few issues related with the political group of Kukiz’15,which is an unprecedented phenomenon on the Polish political scene after 1989. First of all,the paper tried to present the genesis of the formation, including the factors that contributedto its creation and development. Secondly, the analysis of ideological assumptions was made.Thirdly, an attempt was made to classify the formation based on its characteristics. Thecontent analysis method was used to carry out this task, and the source base was made upof press enunciations by nationwide opinion-forming magazines, such as “Rzeczpospolita”and “Gazeta Wyborcza”, monographs and elaborations, as well as Internet sources. It shouldbe emphasized that this study was assumed to represent an introduction to the in-depthresearch into the phenomenon that is undoubtedly this political group.Keywords: Kukiz’15, Polish Political Scene, Political Formations

PSYCHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF A LEADER-POLITICIEN

2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-105
Author(s):  
HASMIK SHAPAGHATYAN
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Factors ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Childhood And Adolescence ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Psychological Features

The analyses ofthe discussed problem shows that despite a diversity ofstudies on theoretical and practical concepts in the sphere of personality developments, each of them has some basic principals a combination ofwhich provides an opportunity to make an in-depth and comprehensive analysis of the formation and the development of a personality of a political leader. The article emphasizes the political and psychological factors contributing to the formation of personality during childhood and adolescence, which lead to the formation of a unique personal qualities of a political leader (nargization, identification, as well as factors of formation and expression of inferiority and domination), which further define the direction of the person as a leader, as well as the implementation of effective and in the true sense of the word the course of their national policy.

„Balkan-Wien“ – Versuch einer Verflechtungsgeschichte der politischen Emigration aus den Balkanländern im Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit (1918–1934) / “Balkan Vienna” – Reflections on an Histoire croisée of Political Emigration from the Balkans to Vienna during the Interwar Period (1918–1934)

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 268-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Jens Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
External View ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Press ◽  
Mental Map

Abstract This paper follows “Balkan Vienna”, a media phenomenon as well as a media construct created both by the Viennese press and from the perspective of the Balkans themselves. The decline of the once brilliant capital of the great empire into a hotbed of revolutionaries and terrorists was recorded in Belgrade with scorn and fear. In Vienna, the press addressed these events in terms that sought to distance the capital from the southeast. However, at the same time the Viennese press admired the political activists from the Balkans, exoticising them as heroes. Thus, the press externalised Austrian domestic contradictions through their discussions of Balkan politics. By reporting scandal and sleaze, the press perpetuated the image of Vienna as a refuge for revolutionary activities and “typical Balkan” violence. “Balkan Vienna” is thus a social and political place, one of local, national, transnational, Balkanic and European linkages. As such, it is part of a new discourse, which relocates the internal and external view of Vienna and Austria on the mental map of Europe.

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