scholarly journals The impact of international economic sanctions on national economies. The Islamic Republic of Iran - a case in point

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1014-1023
Author(s):  
Flavius Caba-Maria ◽  
Radu-Cristian Muşetescu

AbstractThis paper explores the impact of economic sanctions on national economies, with specific focus on Iran. It starts by conceptualizing sanctions in the set of economic policies and include them in the framework of economic statecraft, according to literature available. Several hypotheses that attempt to anticipate the form of sanctions are advanced, according to the intensity of geopolitical competition among the states. The analysis uses the case study of the regime of United States’ sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran and P5+1 powers (the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and Germany) agreed on a deal regulating the nuclear program of Iran - Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, meaning that Iran would reduce its nuclear activities drastically in exchange of lifting economic sanctions. In spite of the initial enthusiasm, United States announced in May 2018 the unilateral withdrawal from the deal and reinstating the sanctions regime, spiking new tensions in the relation with Iran. As a result, the paper discusses the context in which Iran tries to pursue economic goals in order to ensure resilience, while the US imposes more pressure. In addition, the study also approaches the dilemma whether sanctions can ultimately generate political answers and at what costs. In this context, it is identifying several alternatives in the Iranian case, together with noting the limits of conceptual refinements in terms of sanctions’ theory.

2014 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-738 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hirad Abtahi

On November 24, 2013, the Islamic Republic of Iran, together with the E3/EU–comprised of France, Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK)–as well as the People’s Republic of China (China), the Russian Federation (Russia), and the United States of America (US) agreed to the Joint Plan of Action on Iran’s nuclear program (Joint Plan of Action). The Joint Plan of Action aims at ensuring the Islamic Republic of Iran’s exclusive peaceful nuclear program through mutually-agreed steps between the so-called E3/EU+3 and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Though much has been said about the Joint Plan of Action since its adoption, not enough attention has been paid to its historical context; such neglect risks the Joint Plan of Action being, at best, viewed in isolation. This note bridges that gap by providing an overview of the events that led the Islamic Republic of Iran, the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and Germany (P5+1) to agree on the Joint Plan of Action.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
M. I. Saeed Iranmanesh ◽  
A. Norallah Salehi ◽  
B. Seyyed Abdolmajid Jalaee

One of the main economic issues in Iran is the issue of economic sanctions. These sanctions have been imposed by various institutions and countries around the world in various forms since 1979 against Iran. Economic sanctions have affected large sections of Iran’s economy. Meanwhile, economic sanctions against Iran have had far-reaching effects on trade cycles in Iran. The purpose of this article is to investigate the impact of economic sanctions on the structure of business cycles in Iran. The sanction index is a tool for studying quantitative sanctions. The opinions of 15 experts in sanctions economics were collected using fuzzy questionnaires. And the sanction index was obtained. The fuzzy logic method in the MATLAB software space calculated the economic sanction index for 1979–2019. The self-regression calculated the effect of economic sanctions on business cycles. There are two scenarios in this article. In scenario 1, sanctions increased inflation, reduced production, and reduced investment. Also, during the embargo period, the recessions are longer. The second scenario of the research shows the economy without sanctions. The results showed that, in these conditions, inflation has less effect on production and investment. And the economy will experience a long period of prosperity without sanctions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamid Sarmadi

US foreign policy during the Obama administration, especially in the second term, has focused to resolve its international crises in the Middle East and tried to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue. In the current article, different approaches are brought forth in the field of discerning deterrence mechanisms that are feasible against asymmetric hazards. In the following, the attempts has been made to answer the question of how deterrence can be utilized as a mechanism to face asymmetric threats, and what role can Iran's nuclear program play in deterring countries in power in this process?. Hence, from the analysis of the mentioned model, we will present the main and major assumptions of the current article under four headings: deterrent measures, coercive measures, anti-deployment measures and counter-offensive measures. The tensions between Iran and the West are not the product of Iran's nuclear program, but are based on the religious ideology of the Iranian government and Israel's presence in the region, although the role of some Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, should not be disregarded. The hypothesis under consideration is that US foreign policy in the Iranian nuclear case has been directed towards the interaction of national interests by following the rational, organizational and bureaucratic model of decision-making models. The result of the research is that think tanks are very determining in leading the US government to the White House foreign policy decision-maker towards Iran, so that diplomacy actors cannot escape it. And public opinion seeks to make Iran's nuclear energy dangerous and to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon as a serious threat to humanity. Though, the Islamic Republic of Iran, with its power to obtain nuclear weapons, does not intend to build a nuclear bomb, nor does it intend to make the world insecure. The power of reaching to a nuclear weapon can play a key and major role for Iran as a deterrent, and Iran intends to use nuclear energy not to build a bomb but to make it peaceful.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. S64
Author(s):  
M. Kheirandish ◽  
M. Varmaghani ◽  
A. Kebriaeezadeh ◽  
A.M. Cheraghali

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document