scholarly journals ELEKTABILITAS PARTAI DEMOKRAT DALAM PEMILUKADA DI PAPUA BARAT TAHUN 2013

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fitriani Sari Handayani

 This paper wants to strengthen the general argument has been that the image of political parties less able to explain the results of the victory of candidates promoted by political parties, but the capabilities of personal and political network of candidates in the election victory into a decisive factor. In this study using a literature review in the process of making the necessary data. As a result the Democrats see elektabilitas dynamics in various regions as a comparison taste voters during the elections (local elections). In analyzing the victory of the Democratic candidate in West Papua to use a rational perspective in reading the electoral process. In addition, the implementation of a camshaft that is characteristic of the people of Papua in the electoral process is dilematisasi for the prospective head region in mobilizing the masses.   Tulisan ini ingin menguatkan argumentasi umum selama ini bahwa citra partai politik kurang bisa menjelaskan hasil kemenangan kandidat yang diusung oleh partai politik, melainkan kapabilitas personal dan jaringan politik kandidat dalam pemilukada menjadi faktor penentu kemenangan. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode tinjauan pustaka dalam proses pengambilan data yang diperlukan. Alhasil dengan melihat dinamika elektabilitas partai demokrat di berbagai daerah sebagai perbandingan selera pemilih pada saat pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah). Dalam menganalisa kemenangan kandidat partai demokrat di Papua Barat digunakan perspektif rasional dalam membaca proses pilkada. Selain itu, diterapkannya sistem noken yang menjadi ciri khas rakyat papua dalam proses pemilihan merupakan dilematisasi bagi para calon kepala daerah dalam memobilisasi massa.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-158
Author(s):  
Uchaimid Biridlo'i Robby ◽  
Dedi Akhiruddin

The level of pluralism of the Indonesian nation, which has a variety of religions, cultures, languages ​​and ethnicities, makes the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia a heterogeneous country, so it is common for friction to occur and cause social conflict by directing the masses to act irrationally. Conflict situations tend to be easily exploited by those who try to take advantage of them. Conflict parties have different understandings about the problems at hand. From this explanation explicitly, the importance of the involvement of Kodim 1703 / Manokwari of West Papua Province in dealing with social conflicts cannot only be borne by the handling of conflicts that have occurred but is an initial form of a persuasive approach to all elements of society. needed. This study aims to identify and analyze the strategy of Kodim 1703 / Manokwari of West Papua Province in handling social conflicts based on Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 7 of 2012 in handling social conflicts in Indonesia, especially West Papua Province. The method used by the writer is descriptive qualitative method. The data obtained came from interviews with informants who were directly involved in the field during the handling of social conflicts in Manokwari. Based on the research results, it can be concluded as follows: (1) The role of Kodim 1703 / Manokwari in handling social conflicts in Manokwari City is limited by Law Number 7 of 2012 concerning Social Conflict Handling so that it is not optimal by involving all levels of society so that no one feels left out or ignored.   Keywords: Management Strategic and Social Conflict


Author(s):  
Umul Hidayati

AbstractThe study aims to know the existence of operation of madrasah in regions with few moslems in Manokwari Regency, West Papua Province. Using qualitative method, the study result shows that the operation of madrasah in the study location is initiated by migrant people from outside Papua. All madrasahs there are operated in Transmigration settlements and in Hidayatullah pesantren. If we see eight components of education, the madrasahs generally have not met the SNP. From the government policy, the madrasahs have not gained equal treatment from the regional government and the regional parliament due to political, socio cultural, religious and ethnicity factors while the policy of the ministry of religion still refers to the government’s policy through the Central Government’s Performance Plans not realized in accordance with the region’s need. The relationship between the madrasahs and the migrant people is good as the people need comprehensive Islamic educational service and formal education is yet available in their settlements. However, the relationship with indigenous people is hampered by regulations imposed on migrants that sometimes bring loss. AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui eksistensi penyelenggaraan madrasah di daerah minoritas muslim di Kabupaten Manokwari, Propinsi Papua Barat. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penyelenggaraan madrasah di lokasi penelitian dilatarbelakangi kedatangan masyarakat migran dari luar Papua. Seluruh madrasah di sana berdiri di lokasi Pemukiman Transmigrasi dan di lingkungan pondok pesantren Hidayatullah. Dilihat dari kondisi delapan komponen pendidikan, umumnya madrasah tersebut belum memenuhi SNP. Dilihat dari kebijakan pemerintah, madrasah belum memperoleh kebijakan yang berkeadilan dari Pemda maupun DPRD, yang disebabkan oleh faktor politik, sosial budaya, agama dan etnis. Sedangkan kebijakan Kemenag sendiri masih mengacu pada kebijakan pusat melalui Rencana Kinerja Pusat (RKP) yang terkadang realisasinya tidak sesuai dengan kebutuhan daerah. Hubungaan madrasah dengan masyarakat migran cukup baik, karena pendirian madrasah memang dikehendaki oleh masyarakat tersebut, karena masyarakat sangat membutuhkan layanan pendidikan agama Islam yang utuh dan layanan pendidikan formal yang memang belum tersedia di sekitar pemukiman mereka. Namun hubungan dengan masyarakat penduduk asli, terkendala dengan aturan-aturan yang berlaku yang juga diterapkan pada penduduk pendatang yang terkadang merugikan.


NATAPRAJA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Giddeon Fanggidae ◽  
Hidayatul Fajri ◽  
Pandhu Yuanjaya

The implementation of special autonomy in West Papua province aims to increase the development. Centralized development has brought the people of West Papua in a slump multidimensional. The purpose of this article describes the governance performance that the implementation of special autonomy in failure. This article used a qualitative approach. Source of data used comes from RKPD West Papua Province, Public Welfare Indicators (BPS), IGI (parnership), and TKED (The Asia Foundation). The main findings in this article was not prosperous West Papua still has even though the special autonomy fund and the exploitation of natural high. The main indicators are still at the education and welfare of the lowest rankings in Indonesia. Performance Governance and the worst is in the government bureaucracy. This led to the existing resources can not be the welfare of society as stalled in bureaucracy and government.Keywords: Special Autonomy Funds, Governance Performance, and West Papua


Author(s):  
Irfan Iryadi ◽  
Mursyidin Zakaria ◽  
Effendi Hasan ◽  
Dedy Tabrani ◽  
Fadhil Ilhamsyah

This paper explores about governor election in Aceh period 2012-2017 as a socio-political lesson. At that moment, political trends in Aceh are ongoing mass politics, not politics ideology based on the interests of the people. Mass politics is crewed politics on the basis of pragmatic and opportunist ideology. Intimidation and massive mobilization of the masses accompanied by money politics and imagery are characteristic of mass politics. In mass politics the potential for conflict is also quite high. Not often people who are victims. People admits that gubernatorial election of Aceh in 2012  was won by Zaini Abdullah and Muzakkir Manaf (Zikir) carried out by local political parties, namely the Party Aceh, the legislature is complete and the executive is entirely in the hands of the Party's control Aceh. All his potions and political teachings will be lowered to the service arena for Acehnese people during the 2012-2017 period. But the question then blocks in all of our minds, will the opposition be still dare to survive with the political dialectic recently? Of course we can see this at least in the first six months post the inauguration of Zikir as governor and deputy the governor of Aceh later.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maksim Zheltov

The monograph is devoted to the consideration of one of the urgent problems of political theory and practice — the revolution of freedom and dignity in Tunisia, which opened the way for deep democratic transformations in the Islamic country. This revolution has become a convincing example of new, one might say unprecedented before, opportunities for revolutionary renewal of the world within the framework of the current law and without violence, based on revolutionary legality. For the first time in the Islamic world, the possibility of a certain and sufficiently broad cooperation between revolutionary forces and representatives of the former dictatorial power in the country was shown in practice. The main force in the Tunisian Revolution was the masses of the people, who acted independently in the absence of any universally recognized leaders, political parties and movements. Finally, perhaps the highest achievement of the revolution was the adoption of a new constitution that defined the conditions for the subsequent political development of Tunisia. It is addressed to everyone who is interested in the political development of the modern world. It will be useful for postgraduates and undergraduates studying in the fields of "Political Science" and "Sociology", as well as for university and college teachers.


Author(s):  
I Ngurah Suryawan

<em>This article analyzes the impacts arising from the penetration of investment in Sumuri District teluk Bintuni Regency, West Papua Province. One thing that the company done is mapping the rights of indigenous clans to identify areas that became the company's location. At this moment the complexity of problems linking social and cultural resistance to the host community with this technicalization mapping problem appear. Territorialising indigenous territories just happen and local communities trapped in the processes of regulation prepared by the country and the company. The toughest challenge in participatory mapping is clearing the technicalization process and setting that become the perspective of countries and companies. This article tries to explore what happens in negotiations between technicalization process of mapping indigenous territories with expectations awakened in people Sumuri about socio-cultural changes. In this contestation imagination about involving customs and cultures in the current socio-cultural changes and the setting becomes very problematic and risky. What Sociocultural resilience that they(the people Sumuri) expect?</em> Artikel ini menganalisis dampak-dampak yang ditimbulkan dari penetrasi investasi di Distrik Sumuri Kabupaten Teluk Bintuni Provinsi Papua Barat. Salah satu hal yang dilakukan perusahaan adalah pemetaan hak-hak ulayat marga untuk mengidentifikasi wilayah yang menjadi lokasi perusahaan. Pada momen inilah muncul kompleksitas persoalan yang menghubungkan ketahanan sosial budaya komunitas tempatan dengan teknikalisasi permasalahan pemetaan ini. Teritorialisasi wilayah-wilayah adat terjadi begitu saja dan komunitas tempatan terjebak dalam proses-proses pengaturan yang dipersiapkan oleh negara dan perusahaan. Tantangan terberat pemetaan partisipatif adalah menjernihkan proses teknikalisasi dan pengaturan yang menjadi perspektif dari negara dan perusahaan. Artikel ini mencoba mendalami apa yang terjadi dalam negosiasi antara proses teknikalisasi pemetaan wilayah adat tersebut dengan harapan-harapan yang terbangun dalam diri orang Sumuri tentang perubahan sosial budaya. Dalam kontestasi inilah imajinasi tentang melibatkan adat dan budaya dalam arus perubahan sosial budaya dan pengaturan menjadi sangat problematik dan riskan. Ketahan sosial budaya apa yang mereka (orang-orang Sumuri) harapkan?


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (Edsus) ◽  
Author(s):  
H Djauhari

Regional Head in a direct election indicates not yielded Regional Head of an ideal, in this case is suspected that some Regional Head who stumble legal cases of corruption. Such things can happen because of the democratic process in elections beginning with the starting pull of interest between the prospective head region with political parties on the one hand, and between candidates for the head area with his constituents on the other side. The implications of these conditions cause the cost of direct elections is quite expensive. With the number of political parties is quite large and there is no consciousness of the voters make choices based on conscience cannot be avoided in the elections always bring money politics (politics of money) / political horse-trading, and will bring leaders think moral hazard. These conditions are still just always happens in local elections democratic party directly. Such a case will be examined from a sociological aspect to bring up three issues, namely: the proliferation of political parties, money politics (money politics) / political horse-trading and the nature of moral hazard. Keywords: direct election problems, sociological perspectives


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah


Election as a process of selecting those that will represent the interest of the masses need to be free, fair and credible. For an election to be credible, free and fair in which its result would be accepted by all, there is need for the actors/stakeholders of the electoral process to vigorously discharge their respective duties and obligation in the exercise. The electoral bodies, the civil society, the judiciary, political parties, the mass media, and even the masses who are the electorates are to be adequately orientated, cultured and given awareness on the beauty of participating in the selection process of their leaders. Despite the fact that, the voting behaviour of masses during an election tell more about the success of the system, but the actors or stakeholders involved in the electoral process can influence the level of voters’ turnout in an election, by given the electorates regular orientation and awareness on the electoral system in the society. The study makes use of MoralityImplicit Theory to explain how the electoral process can be free and fair, if the actors involved in the process imbibed moral value and transparency in discharging their duties to the system without fear or favour. This study therefore is a qualitative in nature that employs the use of secondary source of data to explain the mechanism towards free, fair and credible election in Africa


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xuanming Zhang

From the time when it came to power, the Chinese Communist Party’s mode of governance has shifted from "ruling according to policies" to "ruling according to law." Domestic scholars have done a lot of discussion on the basic connotation and related concepts of governing by law. Most of these theoretical discussions are static and are an analysis and explanation of the actual situation. The Communist Party’s ruling turn is an inevitable choice of regularity within the ruling logic, and more of a dynamic choice. The study of the logic of governing by law can more clearly discover the law of development followed by the Communist Party's way of governing. After this static analysis, the development route within the logic can be extracted. Combining the research results of academia, construct a dynamic mode of governing by law, find the subject, object and development path of governing by law, so as to clarify the reasonable boundary of civil rights, party power and political power, coordinate the development relationship among the masses, political parties and the state, and standardize The progressive process of the will of the people, the will of the party, and the will of the state.


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