scholarly journals The Evolution of Tyrant Tropes in Greek Tragedy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Charlie Hann

<p>Tyranny (tyrannis) is a name given to a type of Greek monarchy that came into being in the seventh century B.C.E. The democratisation of Greece and the transference of aristocratic ideas of equality and liberty to the whole citizen population led the vilification of tyranny as the opposite of democracy and its extensive use as a foil for democracy in Athenian politics. This political idea made its way into literature, including tragedy where it was one of several important anachronistic political ideas. The demonization of the tyrant also led to the development of tropes to create the stereotype of the tyrant. These tropes are catalogued in Plato and Aristotle and widely recognised in Herodotus, but as Lanza (1977) and Seaford (2003) have pointed out, they also occur in tragedy, to the same extent as they do in prose. The tropes can roughly be split into two groups – those that are based on real power-conserving strategies and those that were created to characterise the tyrant as a moral monster.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Charlie Hann

<p>Tyranny (tyrannis) is a name given to a type of Greek monarchy that came into being in the seventh century B.C.E. The democratisation of Greece and the transference of aristocratic ideas of equality and liberty to the whole citizen population led the vilification of tyranny as the opposite of democracy and its extensive use as a foil for democracy in Athenian politics. This political idea made its way into literature, including tragedy where it was one of several important anachronistic political ideas. The demonization of the tyrant also led to the development of tropes to create the stereotype of the tyrant. These tropes are catalogued in Plato and Aristotle and widely recognised in Herodotus, but as Lanza (1977) and Seaford (2003) have pointed out, they also occur in tragedy, to the same extent as they do in prose. The tropes can roughly be split into two groups – those that are based on real power-conserving strategies and those that were created to characterise the tyrant as a moral monster.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Shu Qi

Puritan ideas and ethics are not only the cradle of the mainstream political culture in America, but also the ideological source of the African American political culture. However, what was the significance of puritanism for the emergence of early political ideas among black American? To answer the question, it is necessary to delve into the meaning of puritanism to the political culture of the black American. This paper will elaborate on the crucial role of puritanism in the formation of black political culture in America from three aspects, that is, establishing a close relationship between puritanism and African American political culture. In order to understand it profoundly, three relationships will be established and explained. Respectively, the first one is to establish the relationship between Puritan idea especially the concept of equality and African American political idea; the second one is to establish the relationship between Puritan life and African American political elites; the third one is to establish the relationship between Puritan ethical spirits and moral norms and African American self-consciousness. More specifically, First of all, the germination of the early political ideas of African American was based on Puritan ideas; Secondly, Puritan life was the cradle of the growth of black political elites; Finally, the Puritan ethical spirit, such as diligence and frugality, diligence and hard work, tidiness and cleanliness, decent behavior and other basic behavioral norms, had a deep influence on the cultivation of the moral behavior norms and the formation of self-consciousness of African American.


2019 ◽  
pp. 81-110
Author(s):  
Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe
Keyword(s):  

This chapter continues the argument from the previous chapter, developing it through a more detailed reading of the Letter to d’Alembert on the Theater, in which Rousseau’s well known condemnation of the theater occurs. Lacoue-Labarthe argues that Rousseau in fact does not condemn imitation as such, his target being rather imitation that seeks to produce effects of pleasure and complacency by way of flattering identifications. It is in this light that Rousseau critiques catharsis as a harmful illusion of relief from evil that leaves the evil in place. But when one turns to what Rousseau says about tragedy, and Greek tragedy in particular, another perspective emerges: catharsis and Aufhebung as a speculative sublation of historically embedded conflicts. Greek tragedy was not merely theater, but the staging of a originary agon between two kinds of “Greece,” one of which is absolutely anterior to theater as such and so is purely archaic. In this sense, Greek tragedy for Rousseau is a philosophical scene par excellence, the scene of a historical dialectic.


Author(s):  
Judith Herrin

This chapter focuses on the period when Greece was essentially a minor province of the Christian Roman empire of Byzantium. During “The Dark Ages,” there was a very slow and uncertain shift from a society organized according to the principles of the ancient world—a world of half-autonomous cities—to one dominated by the Byzantine Empire. The chapter first describes the upheavals that disrupted the empire during the first half of the seventh century before discussing how it regained stability during the late seventh and eighth centuries. It then considers the disastrous results of the Fourth Crusade for the empire and the emergence of Byzantium as a theocracy. It also examines how Byzantium reclaimed the provinces of Greece and how the Slavs were integrated into Byzantine society. It concludes with an overview of Byzantine economy, society, and culture during the period as well as the legacy of the Byzantine Empire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1(11)) ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Danuta Pietraszewska

One of the first objectives of the Polish state, restored after the period of partitions, was to develop a new, standardized and nationwide system of public education. During the interwar period, school curricula objectives were affected by changing political powers and reflected the government’s pursuits and ideas. In the first years after regaining independence, the focus was placed on the idea of national education and the development of good morals, alumni’s independence, as well as the necessity of learning through hands-on experience. The May Coup changed rules of the political system and, as a result, led to the formulation of an educational ideal emphasizing the concept of a state and the cult of the marshal Piłsudski’s figure. The article analyses assumptions of the “Singing” program so as to find an answer to the question of how the state’s political ideas were implemented on the grounds of general music education. A pedagogical-historical perspective, providing the context for musical issues, was adopted. An in-depth analysis of sources, such as legal acts, school curricula and pedagogical journals from the period of 1918-1939, showed that the leading role in delivering pedagogical-ideological objectives belonged to the teaching of singing as a form of education, and to a school song with patriotic, religious or ludic topics, which formed the rudiments of education and music pedagogy. Research findings indicate a relation between a political idea and content-related, methodological matters regarding education and music pedagogy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
SARAH MORGAN SMITH AND MARK DAVID HALL

Abstract: Students Of The American Founding Routinely Assert That America’s Civic Leaders Were Influenced By Secular Lockean Political Ideas, Especially On The Question Of Resistance To Tyrannical Authority. Yet Virtually Every Political Idea Usually Attributed To John Locke Was Alive And Well Among Reformed Political Thinkers Decades Before Locke Wrote The Second Treatise. In This Two-part Essay, We Trace Just One Element Of The Reformed Political Tradition: The Question Of Who May Actively And Justly Resist A Tyrant. We Focus On The American Experience But Begin Our Discussion By Considering The Early Reformers.


1992 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 151-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald P. Schaus

Beginning in the early sixth century a large-scale rebuilding programme was undertaken by the Phrygians on the City Mound at Gordion, probably with the approval of their overlords, the Lydians. This renewed activity was no doubt one factor in the appearance at this time of several new imported fine wares at Gordion. These supplement the small number of imports finding their way to Gordion during the seventh century. One large group consists of Lydian pottery belonging to several fabrics including black-on-red, bichrome, marbled ware, and black-on-buff. Detailed study of this pottery has yet to be carried out. Work here will depend heavily on the study and classification of pottery from excavations at Sardis. Another, smaller body of imported pottery came from the cities of Greece. Study of this material, mainly from Corinth, Athens, and East Greece, is being conducted by K. DeVries and is now well advanced. A third small body of pottery, originating from areas to the west and south of Gordion, is presented here. The different wares of this group are very poorly known from other West Anatolian sites, so that the Gordion material adds considerably to our understanding of each of them.


Author(s):  
Victoria Wohl

How can we make sense of the innovative structure of Euripidean drama? And what political role did tragedy play in the democracy of classical Athens? These questions are usually considered to be mutually exclusive, but this book shows that they can only be properly answered together. Providing a new approach to the aesthetics and politics of Greek tragedy, this book argues that the poetic form of Euripides' drama constitutes a mode of political thought. Through readings of select plays, the book explores the politics of Euripides' radical aesthetics, showing how formal innovation generates political passions with real-world consequences. Euripides' plays have long perplexed readers. With their disjointed plots, comic touches, and frequent happy endings, they seem to stretch the boundaries of tragedy. But the plays' formal traits—from their exorbitantly beautiful lyrics to their arousal and resolution of suspense—shape the audience's political sensibilities and ideological attachments. Engendering civic passions, the plays enact as well as express political ideas. The book draws out the political implications of Euripidean aesthetics by exploring such topics as narrative and ideological desire, the politics of pathos, realism and its utopian possibilities, the logic of political allegory, and tragedy's relation to its historical moment. Breaking through the impasse between formalist and historicist interpretations of Greek tragedy, the book demonstrates that aesthetic structure and political meaning are mutually implicated—and that to read the plays poetically is necessarily to read them politically.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giorgio Baruchello

In this paper, 20th-century ethicist Philip Hallie’s research on cruelty is outlined and explained in order to determine and discuss categories of thought that make cruelty attributable to social forms of agency. The semantic ambiguity of “cruelty” and its cognate “cruel” are acknowledged and also discussed, but Hallie’s understanding is upheld nonetheless as technically articulate and, above all, as reasonable. As such, his understanding can be utilised to interpret and assess in ethical terms the recent austerity policies pursued in many countries of the world after the 2008 economic crash, which was induced by unsustainable deregulated trade of financial assets, particularly of toxic assets. The case of Greece is examined as exemplary, referring especially to the Loan Agreements of May 2010 between the representatives of the Greek State and those of the Euro-area Member States under the aegis of the International Monetary Fund.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Gabriel Lago de Sousa Barroso

Abstract: This paper aims to analyze the German poet Friedrich Hölderlin’s reception of the Greek tragedy, by examining his translations of two of Sophocles’ tragedies – Oedipus the King and Antigone –, which became a model for translation theory later on the 20th century. It intends to demonstrate Hölderlin’s peculiar view of Greece, acknowledged in the background of his work, which is reflected on the religious patterns of his translation, as he emphasizes the divine elements of Sophocles’ plays. This is more explicit in his transgressions of the original text, especially where he translates the Greek gods’ names.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document