scholarly journals Make Canada Great Again: The Influence of Donald Trump on the Canadian Right Wing Identity

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Parul Singh Kanwar
Keyword(s):  
American Politics ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

This essay examines how the election of Donald Trump and the Ring Wing sentiments in American politics affect the Right-Wing extremist identity in Canada. This is significant because, through an analysis of the impact of American politics and identity on Canadians and their experiences as Anti-American, with focus on superiority and multiculturalism. 

Conclusion

Never Trump ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 240-248
Author(s):  
Robert P. Saldin ◽  
Steven M. Teles
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Western World ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
New Era ◽  
Professional Interest ◽  
The Future ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right

This concluding chapter highlights how the Republican Party has been substantially transformed by the experience of having Donald Trump at its head. The president's reelection in 2020 would only deepen that transformation. Deep sociological forces—in particular, a Republican Party base that is increasingly white, working class, Christian, less formally educated, and older—will lead the party to go where its voters are. What Trump started, his Republican successors will finish. Just as parties of the right across the Western world have become more populist and nationalist, so will the Republicans. That, of course, bodes poorly for most of the Never Trumpers, who combined a deep distaste for Trump personally with a professional interest in a less populist governing style and a disinclination to see their party go ideologically where he wanted to take it. Ultimately, the future is unwritten because it will be shaped by the choices of individuals. Never Trump will have failed comprehensively in its founding mission, which was to prevent the poison of Donald Trump from entering the nation's political bloodstream. However, it is likely to be seen, in decades to come, as the first foray into a new era of American politics.

The Russian Connection

2020 ◽  
pp. 164-169
Author(s):  
Rodney A. Smolla
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Dna Test ◽  
The World ◽  
The Right ◽  
Vladimir Putin

This chapter begins with an account of Anna Anderson, an immigrant to the United States who claimed to be the Grand Duchess Anastasia of Russia that was exposed to be fake after a DNA test. It discusses the collusive connections between Russia and the American radical alt-right. It also identifies several figures that were prominent in the Unite the Right events in Charlottesville in 2017 and strongly supported the candidacy and presidency of Donald Trump. The chapter highlights how alt-right groups idolize Russia's leader Vladimir Putin, seeing him as the sort of strong-willed authoritarian dedicated to “traditional values” that the world needs. It discloses how Russia has been the hospitable home and host of American right-wing extremists, such as David Duke who moved to Russia in 1999.

scholarly journals Mediating shame and pride: countermedia coverage of Independence Day in Poland and the US

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruta Kazlauskaite ◽  
Niko Pyrhonen ◽  
Gwenaelle Bauvois
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Narrative Strategy ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Righteous Anger ◽  
The Us ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Right

This article adopts a comparative qualitative approach to studying the rhetoric of injured pride in the coverage of Independence Day celebrations by the right-wing countermedia in Poland (wPolityce.pl) and the US (Breitbart News) from 2012 to 2018. In both countries, the number of countermedia articles on Independence Day proliferated in the aftermath of the election of the Law and Justice party (2015) and Donald Trump (2016). Based on the analysis of the narrative strategy for affective polarisation, we argue that the countermedia mobilise support from an electorate of ‘the disenfranchised’ by strategically invoking emotions of shame and pride. By positioning the radical right as a political force that shields ‘patriots’ from the leftist ‘pedagogy of shame’, the outlets instrumentalise the mobilising potential of shame by transforming it into righteous anger and pride. This strategy results in a mediated ‘emotional regime’ that offers guidelines for an acceptable emotional repertoire for the members of the nationally bound in-group.

Differentiating Between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton Voters Using Facets of Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social-Dominance Orientation

2017 ◽  
Vol 120 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Michael Crowson ◽  
Joyce A. Brandes
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Social Dominance ◽  
Discriminant Validity ◽  
Social Dominance Orientation ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Right Wing Authoritarianism ◽  
Political Outcome ◽  
The Right

Historically, much of the research on right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation has proceeded from the assumption that they are unidimensional. Recently, researchers have begun to seriously consider the possibility that they are multidimensional in nature and should be measured as such. Several studies have examined the unique relationships between right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation facets and social and political outcome measures of interest. However, there have been no efforts to include the full slate of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation facets as predictors in the same model. This is problematic when investigating the discriminant validity of these facets, given the potential empirical overlap among the facets both within and across scales. We included facets of right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation as predictors of U.S. voters’ intentions to vote for Hillary Clinton versus Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Election. Data were collected in September 2016. We found evidence for the discriminant validity of several of the right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation facets.

The Kushner Plan: Keeping Israeli-Palestinian Peace out of Reach

2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Pillar
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
State Solution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Right ◽  
Current Arrangement ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The U.S. administration's Israeli-Palestinian “peace plan,” under President Donald Trump, has so far yielded only an inconclusive talkfest about economic development. The underlying rationale of the plan—that economics must come before any addressing of core political issues—is fundamentally flawed for several reasons. The biggest impediments to Palestinian economic development stem from aspects of the Israeli occupation that would continue under the plan, which rejects a two-state solution and is a slightly revised and renamed version of the current arrangement of limited Palestinian autonomy under Israeli domination. The plan flows directly from the Trump administration's policy of acquiescing in the preferences of the right-wing government of Israel. Accordingly, the political portion of the plan is indefinitely delayed and might never be announced. Keeping the full plan under wraps serves the Israeli government's purpose of holding out the promise of—but never delivering—peace with the Palestinians, while more facts are created on the ground.

scholarly journals Is Proportional Representation More Favourable to the Left? Electoral Rules and Their Impact on Elections, Parliaments and the Formation of Cabinets

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Döring ◽  
Philip Manow
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Regional Distribution ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
Established Democracies ◽  
The Impact

How do electoral rules affect the composition of governments? It is a robust finding that countries with majoritarian rules more often elect conservative governments than those with proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. There are three explanations for this pattern. The first stresses the impact of voting behaviour: the middle class more often votes for right-wing parties in majoritarian electoral systems, anticipating governments’ redistributive consequences. The second explanation is based on electoral geography: the regional distribution of votes may bias the vote-seat translation against the Left in majoritarian systems due to the wide margins by which the Left wins core urban districts. The third explanation refers to party fragmentation: if the Right is more fragmented than the Left in countries with PR, then there is less chance of a right-wing party gaining formateur status. This study tests these three hypotheses for established democracies over the entire post-war period. It finds the first two mechanisms at work in the democratic chain of delegation from voting via the vote-seat translation to the formation of cabinets, while party fragmentation does not seem to co-vary as much as expected with electoral rules. These findings confirm that majoritarian systems have a substantive conservative bias, whereas countries with PR show more differentiated patterns.

scholarly journals Rückkehr des Hauptwiderspruchs?

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 411-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Dowling ◽  
Silke Van Dyk ◽  
Stefanie Graefe
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
New Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Class Relations ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Emancipatory Politics ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

 How to explain the relative success of the AfD in Germany, the presidential election of Donald Trump in the USA, the Brexit vote or the popularity of the Right in France and elsewhere in Europe? Moreover, why did the Left not see this authoritarian turn coming? One prominent suggestion has been that the Left abandoned the white working class, thereby becoming the inadvertent midwife of a right-wing resurgence. Significant blame for this is in turn apportioned to the emergence of ‘identity politics’. In this essay, the authors take issue with this line of argumentation and criticise some of the implicit assumptions they consider problematic in current debates on the Left regarding the relationship between gender, race, class and emancipatory politics. They argue that struggles against both neoliberalism and the New Right require intersectional analyses of contemporary global class relations that do not abandon the important achievements and insights of new and newest social movements.

Trump, Right-Wing Populism, and the Future of Organized Labor

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-66
Author(s):  
Bill Fletcher ◽  
José Alejandro La Luz
Keyword(s):  
Black People ◽  
Job Insecurity ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
True Nature ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

This chapter argues that the core problem is not ideology or corporate self-interest but rather the rise of a right-wing populism that feeds on racism and xenophobia. When workers suffer from stagnating or declining incomes, loss of benefits and pensions, declining health and health care coverage, and increased job insecurity, the right gives them an answer: blame black people, Latinxs, immigrants, Jews, or Muslims; blame the media elites, academics, or experts, not your employer; embrace the rich in the hope that someday you can be one of them; and condemn powerless people as the cause of your problems. The chapter describes how populism draws its energy from a racist, sexist, and xenophobic framing of the impact of the economic crisis on working-class Americans while also rejecting the postwar global order in favor of a return to American isolationism. It laments the Left's failure to offer plausible solutions and to create lasting solidarity across gender, race, ethnicity, and sexuality. This chapter explains that no revival of labor will be possible without engaging union members about race, gender, immigration, and the true nature of right-wing populism.

scholarly journals Immigration Problem in the Setting Up of Political Forces in Germany and France

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-115
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Guzhev ◽  
Maria S. Semenova
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Host Countries ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

The importance of studying migration processes is due to their massive, regular nature, the impact on the political and social environment of the host countries. Often, a poorly thought out, inconsistent and generally ineffective immigration policy leads to problems in the host countries, reduces the quality of life of the indigenous population, thus creating a split in society, which may result in increasing migrant phobia, xenophobia, etc. A particularly striking example of this situation can serve as some countries of the European Union, in particular, Germany and France. The populations of these countries account for one of the largest shares of migrants not only in Europe, but throughout the world. Of particular research interest is the change in the political preferences of the voters in favor of the forces advocating a rigid migration policy. Within the framework of the systematic and historical-descriptive approaches, the electoral processes in Germany and France were analyzed during the period of the most intense manifestation of the migration problem. It was found that in parallel with the migration crisis in the host countries, a reshuffling of political forces is rapidly taking place: lesser-known political leaders, parties, movements not only appear on the political arena, but quickly gain voters’ support, starting to determine immigration policy. There is a clear relationship between anti-immigration slogans and the entry into the arena of Germany and France of right-wing parties, which are fundamentally changing the political alignment of forces and their political course as a whole. Supporters of the right-wing political persuasion quickly gained popularity at the peak of the migration crisis, but with this problem fading into the background, the need for these political forces began to decrease. As a result of the study, the hypothesis that the migration problem is one of the key factors in the alignment of political forces in Germany and France was confirmed.

scholarly journals The development of musical and singing culture and sociopolitical situation on the Korean Peninsula from the liberation to the Korean War

2020 ◽  
pp. 161-170
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Gruzdev
Keyword(s):  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Korean Music ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

The subject of this research is the impact of sociopolitical situation on the Korean Peninsula upon the establishment and development of musical culture of the Koreans since 1945 to the beginning of the Korean War. The goal is to demonstrate the effect of political and social situation upon music and songs of the Koreans, as well as outline the vectors of their development during the period under review. In the course of research, the author analyzes the historical, political and social background, within the framework of which was formed the musical and song tradition of the Koreans of that time. The article also traces the evolution of Korean music and song genre and the factors that exerted influence on it. The Russian Korean studies do not feature comprehensive research dedicated to musical and song culture of the Koreans of the period after liberation from the Japanese Rule, which defines novelty of this work. The conclusion is made that the political and social situation on the Korean Peninsula significantly influences the development of music and song genre. The two categories of music performers were determined: politicized and non-politicized. Politicized performers were represented by the supporters of left-wing views or right-wing views. The adherers of left-wing views sought for a new path of development of the Korean music, while the right-wing supporters used the motifs already familiar to the Korean public. Non-politicizes music performers and singers followed the popular trends among the audience, which was influenced by the presence of US military on the Korean Peninsula.

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